The  United  States 

and 
Foreign  Powers 


niversily    of    California.    Los    Angeles 


The 


Fritz  L.  Hoffmann  Collection 


A  Gift  of 

Olga  Mingo  Hoffmdnn 

1994 


THE   UNITED  STATES 


AND 


FOREIGN   POWERS 


BY 
WILLIAM  ELEROY  CURTIS 

Author  of  "The  Capitals  of  Spanish  America,"  "Trade  and  Transportation,' 
"  The  Land  of  the  Nihilist,"  "  The  Yankees  of  the  East,"  etc.,  etc. 


NEW    YORK 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 
1899 


Copyright,  1891, 
By  Flood  &  Vincent. 


Copyright,  1899, 
By  Charles  Scribner's  Sons. 


Jx 

mot 


CONTENTS. 

Chap.  Page. 

I.    The  Diplomatic  Service  of  the  United 

States      9 

II.    The  Consular  Service 27 

III.  The  Founding  of  the  South  American 

Republics 36 

IV.  Diplomatic  Relations  with  the  Other 

American  Republics 47 

V.    Results  of  the  International  American 

Conference 66 

VI.    General  Relations  with  the  American 

Republics 76 

VII.    The  Monroe  Doctrine 93 

VIII.    Negotiations  for  an  Interoceanic  Canal    107 

IX.  Proposed  Annexation  of  Santo  Domingo 
and  St.  Thomas.  The  Republic  of  Li- 
beria   119 

X.    A  General  View  of  Europe  in  the  Nine- 
teenth Century 136 

XI.    General     Diplomatic    Relations    with 

Great  Britain       149 

XII.  Diplomatic  Relations  with  Great  Brit- 
ain— The  Bering  Sea  and  Fisheries 
Questions 163 


iv 


CONTENTS. 


XIII. 
XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 
XVII. 

XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXII. 


Diplomatic  Relations  with  France  and 
the  Purchase  of  Louisiana 178 

Diplomatic  Relations  with  Spain,  the 
Purchase  of  Florida,  and  the  War 
OF  1898 197 

Relations  with  Russia  and  the  Pur- 
chase of  Alaska 211 

Relations  with  Italy 217 

Relations  with  Other  European  Pow- 


ers 


223 


Relations  with  Eastern  and  Mediter- 
ranean Powers 239 

Relations  with  China 251 

Relations  with  Japan 273 

Relations  with  Korea,  Samoa,  and  Siam  283 

Relations  with   the   Congo   State   and 


the  Hawaiian  Islands 
Index      


296 
309 


PREFACE. 

The  diplomatic  history  of  the  United  States  is  a  record 
of  which  any  nation  might  be  proud.  Without  a  corps  of 
trained  diplomatists  like  those  to  whom  the  management  of 
the  foreign  relations  of  the  European  governments  are  in- 
trusted, without  an  army  or  a  navy  to  enforce  its  claims, 
and  with  only  a  sense  of  justice  and  a  consciousness  of 
right,  this  country  has  succeeded  inrough  a  century  in 
maintaining  its  dignity  and  protecting  its  national  honor. 
From  the  skillful  and  patient  endeavors  of  Franklin,  Adams, 
and  Jefferson  to  secure  the  respect  and  recognition  of  the 
greater  powers  of  the  world  for  the  feeble  colonies  then 
struggling  for  independence,  to  the  able  and  courageous 
efforts  of  the  present  administration  to  protect  the  fisheries 
and  sealing  grounds  of  our  citizens,  it  is  a  record  of  peace- 
ful victories.  There  have  been  some  incidents  like  those 
which  led  to  the  Mexican  War,  and  the  recent  legislation 
against  the  Chinese,  concerning  which  there  may  be  a 
difference  of  opinion ;  but  as  a  whole  the  influence  of  Ameri- 
can diplomacy  has  had  a  wholesome  and  permanent  effect 
upon  the  other  nations  of  the  world. 

This   little  volume   was  not  intended   to  be  a   complete 


Vl  PREFACE. 

record  of  our  foreign  relations,  nor  has  there  been  any  at- 
tempt to  treat  the  grave  questions  of  dispute  with  other 
governments  that  have  arisen  from  time  to  time  in  a  tech- 
nical or  thorough  manner,  but  the  purpose  has  been  to  pre- 
sent a  simple  narrative  of  the  principal  incidents  in  our 
diplomatic  history  in  a  form  that  will  enable  them  to  be 
properly  understood  by  those  who  are  not  versed  in  inter- 
national law. 

William  Ei.eroy  Curtis. 


THE    UNITED    STATES    AND 
FOREIGN    POWERS. 

CHAPTEK  I. 

THE  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

After  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  under  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  until  October  20,  1781,  the  foreign 
correspondence  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  and 
the  immediate  management  of  its  relations  with  other  nations 
were  intrusted  to  a  committee  of  Congress.  On  the  date 
mentioned  Eobert  R.  Livingston  of  New  York,  who  had  been 
elected  secretary  of  foreign  affairs  by  Congress,  took  the  oath 
of  office  and  served  in  that  capacity  until  June,  1783,  when 
he  resigned,  and  Elias  Boudinot  of  New  Jersey,  the  president 
of  Congress,  performed  the  duties  of  this  office  as  secretary  ad 
interim.  On  the  organization  of  the  new  Congress  in  the 
following  November,  Thomas  Mifflin  of  Pennsylvania  was 
elected  to  be  its  president,  and  he  acted  in  this  capacity 
until  December,  1784,  when  John  Jay  of  New  York,  who  had 
been  sent  to  Spain  to  secure  the  recognition  of  American  inde- 
pendence by  that  government,  was  chosen  to  be  secretary 
of  foreign  affairs.  He  served  until  March  4,  1789,  under  the 
Confederation.  On  the  organization  of  the  government  under 
the  Constitution,  he  continued  in  charge  of  its  foreign  re- 
lations, until  March  21,  1790,  having  in  the  meantime  been 
appointed  and  confirmed  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  act  for  the  establishment  of  "an  executive  department, 
to  be  denominated  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,"  was 
passed  by  Congress  and  approved  by  the  president,  July  27, 

9 


10  THE   UNITED  STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

1789.  In  the  following  September  "  an  act  to  provide  for 
the  safe  keeping  of  the  acts  and  records  and  seal  of  the  United 
States,"  was  passed,  which  changed  the  name  to  the  "Depart- 
ment of  State,"  and  provided  that  its  principal  officer  should 
be  called  the  secretary  of  state.  Thomas  Jefferson  of  Virginia 
was  commissioned  secretary  of  state  in  September,  1789,  and 
entered  upon  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  the  office  on 
March  21,  1790,  after  his  return  from  France,  where  he  was  our 
first  minister  plenipotentiary.  Since  the  time  of  Jefferson 
there  have  been  thirty-three  secretaries  of  state,  not  in- 
cluding undersecretaries  of  the  department  who  have  tem- 
porarily performed  the  duties  of  the  office.  They  were : 
Edmund  Randolph  of  Virginia ;  Timothy  Pickering  of  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  John  Marshall  and  James  Madison  of  Virginia ; 
Robert  Smith  of  Maryland  ;  James  Monroe  of  Virginia  ;  John 
Quincy  Adams  of  Massachusetts ;  Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky  ; 
Martin  Van  Buren  of  New  York ;  Edward  Livingston  of 
Louisiana ;  Louis  McLane  of  Delaware ;  John  Forsyth  of 
Georgia  ;  Daniel  Webster  of  Massachusetts  (twice,  in  1841 
and  in  1850)  ;  Abel  P.  Upshur  of  Virginia  ;  John  C.  Calhoun 
of  South  Carolina  ;  James  Buchanan  of  Pennsylvania ;  John 
M.  Clayton  of  Delaware ;  Edward  Everett  of  Massachusetts ; 
William  L.  Marcy  of  New  York ;  Lewis  Cass  of  Michigan  ; 
Jeremiah  S.  Black  of  Pennsylvania ;  William  H.  Seward  of 
New  York;  Elihu  B.  Washburne  of  Illinois;  Hamilton  Fish 
and  William  M.  Evarts  of  New  York  ;  James  G.  Blaine  of 
Maine  (twice,  in  1881  and  1889)  ;  Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen 
of  New  Jersey;  Thomas  F.  Bayard  of  Delaware;  John  VV. 
Foster  of  Indiana  ;  Walter  Q.  Gresham  of  Illinois;  Richard 
Olney  of  Massachusetts;  John  Sherman,  William  R.  Day,  and 
John  Hay  of  Ohio. 

The   Constitution   authorizes  the   President,   by  and   with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  conduct  the  foreign 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  11 

policy  of  the  government,  and  he,  under  the  statutes  of 
Congress,  intrusts  it  to  the  secretary  of  state.  He,  in  turn, 
directs  the  transactions  of  the  officers  of  the  diplomatic  and 
consular  service,  who  are  stationed  at  the  capitals  and  the 
principal  ports  and  commercial  cities  of  the  world.  These 
officers  are  appointed  hy  the  President  and  confirmed  by 
the  Senate,  except  in  a  few  minor  places  when  they  are 
selected  by  the  secretary  of  state. 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States  has  a  committee  on  foreign 
relations,  and  the  House  of  Representatives,  committees  on 
foreign  affairs  and  expenditures  in  the  Department  of  State. 
These  committees  are  charged  with  the  consideration  of 
legislation  that  may  be  proposed  affecting  the  intercourse 
of  our  government  with  foreign  nations,  and  the  Senate 
committee  has  also  the  duty  of  reviewing  and  reporting  upon 
treaties  with  foreign  governments,  which  require  ratification 
by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  Senate  before  they  can  be 
proclaimed  by  the  President  and  take  effect.  Under  the  rules 
of  the  Senate  all  nominations  to  the  diplomatic  and  consular 
service,  and  all  treaties  are  considered  in  secret  session. 

The  discussions  are  never  reported  or  published  except  in 
cases  of  extraordinary  importance,  but  a  record  of  the  action 
of  the  Senate  is  preserved  in  what  is  known  as  the  Executive 
Journal.  The  result  is  afterwards  communicated  to  the  Presi- 
dent by  the  executive  clerk,  and  published  in  the  Con- 
gressional Record,  after  three  sessions  of  the  Senate  have  inter- 
vened. This  postponement  is  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  any 
Senator  to  enter  a  motion  to  reconsider  whatever  action 
may  have  been  taken,  should  he  desire  to  do  so. 

The  House  of  Representatives  may  sit  in  secret  session 
to  consider  questions  affecting  the  foreign  policy  of  the  gov- 
ernment, if  a  majority  of  the  members  of  that  body  regard  it 
expedient  to  do  so.    This  provision  is   intended    to   enable 


12  THE  UNITED  STATES   AND    FOREIGN    POWERS. 

Congress  to  take  action  without  the  knowledge  of  foreign 
governments  that  may  be  interested,  but  it  has  very  seldom 
been  resorted  to.  The  consideration  of  treaties  in  scent 
session  by  the  Senate  is  for  the  same  reason,  and  the  rule 
requiring  nominations  to  be  considered  behind  closed  doors 
is  to  protect  the  reputation  of  persons  who  have  been  ap- 
pointed to  office,  and  to  enable  the  Senators  to  discuss  their 
qualifications  with  greater  freedom  than  public  session  would 
permit. 

The  word  diplomacy,  according  to  its  modern  meaning, 
as  defined  by  Webster,  is  "  the  science  or  art  of  conducting 
negotiations  between  nations"  ;  but  it  formerly  had  a  very 
different  signification.  Several  centuries  ago  a  "diplomatist  " 
was  an  official  attached  to  a  court,  whose  duty  was  to  prepare 
diplomas,  patents  of  nobility,  charters,  commissions,  and  other 
state  papers.  He  was  a  sort  of  executive  clerk  to  a  king, 
and  before  the  days  of  mails,  ambassadors,  and  legations, 
sovereigns  were  in  the  habit  of  sending  such  officials  as 
messengers  to  the  courts  of  other  nations,  intrusted  with  deli- 
cate and  important  duties.  From  this  practice  the  present 
meaning  of  the  title  was  derived,  and  it  was  first  used  in 
its  present  sense  by  Count  Vergennes  in  French,  and  Burke 
in  English.  Every  independent  nation  has  the  right  to  send 
or  receive  agents  or  representatives  to  and  from  other  govern- 
ments with  which  it  has  relations,  and  this  has  been  the 
practice  since  the  beginning  of  civilization  ;  but  so  many 
differences  arose  as  to  the  rank  and  dignity  of  such  agents 
that  an  international  congress  was  held  in  Vienna  in  1815, 
to  prepare  certain  rules  for  their  observance  which  have 
been  adopted  by  all  civilized  countries.  According  to  these 
rules  diplomatic  agents  were  divided  into  three  classes  : 

(1).  Ambassadors,  who  are  sent  by  one  sovereign  to  another  ; 
and  legates  or  nuncios,  who  are  sent  by  the  pope  alone. 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  13 

(2).  Envoys  extraordinary,  ministers  plenipotentiary,  and 
ministers  resident. 

(3).  Charges  d1  affaires,  who  are  accredited  not  to  sovereigns 
but  only  to  ministers  of  foreign  affairs. 

Ambassadors  are  supposed  to  represent  not  only  the  country 
from  which  they  come,  but  the  person  of  the  sovereign, 
and  have  the  right  to  communicate  personally  with  the 
sovereign  to  whom  they  are  sent.  Diplomatic  agents  of  the 
two  lower  grades  communicate  with  the  sovereign  through  his 
or  her  ministers.  There  is  very  little  difference  however, 
between  envoys  extraordinary  and  agents  of  a  lower  grade,  ex- 
cept in  rank,  for  both  have  the  same  duties,  functions,  and 
privileges.  During  the  absence  of  a  minister  the  senior  secre- 
tary of  legation  acts  as  charge^  cV  affaires,  is  entitled  to  the 
privileges  and  dignities  of  his  principal,  and  under  our  laws  is 
entitled  to  an  allowance  equal  to  one  half  his  pay,  which 
however  is  not  deducted  from  the  minister's  salary  and  is  in 
lieu  for  the  time  being  of  the  salary  provided  for  the  secretary. 

Until  1893  the  rank  of  ambassador  was  not  recognized  by  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  but  in  that  year  Congress  authorized 
the  elevation  of  the  representatives  to  Great  Britain,  France, 
Germany,  and  Italy,  and  more  recently  those  accredited  to 
Russia  and  Mexico,  in  order  to  give  them  increased  dignity 
and  importance.  Our  representatives  in  other  countries  are 
divided  into  classes,  according  to  the  importance  of  the  nation 
to  which  they  are  sent  and  the  compensation  that  is  paid  them. 

The  diplomatic  representatives  with  the  rank  of  ambassador 
to  France,  Germany,  Great  Britain,  Russia,  and  Mexico  are 
paid  $17,500  each ;  the  ministers  to  Austria,  Brazil,  China, 
Italy,  Japan,  and  Spain,  $12,000  each  ;  to  Chile,  Argentine 
Republic,  Colombia,  Peru,  Guatemala  and  Honduras,  Turkey, 
and  to  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  and  Salvador,  $10,000  ;  to  Para- 
guay and  Uruguay,  Venezuela,  Belgium,  Netherlands,  Sweden 


14  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

and  Norway,  and  Denmark,  $7,500  ;  to  Greece,  Roumania  and 
Servia  (one),  $6,500  ;  to  Bolivia,  Ecuador,  and  Switzerland, 
$5,000. 

There  are  ministers  resident,  who  also  act  as  consuls  general, 
to  Corea,  $7,500  ;  to  Hayti,  Persia,  Portugal,  and  Siam,  $5,000, 
and  to  Liberia  with  a  salary  of  $4,000.  The  minister  to  Hayti 
is  accredited  as  charge"  d'  affaires  to  Santo  Domingo. 

There  are  three  secretaries  of  the  embassies  at  Berlin,  Lon- 
don, Paris,  two  at  Mexico,  China,  and  Japan.  The  first  sec- 
retaries receive  salaries  of  $2,625  a  year ;  and  the  second  sec- 
retaries, at  Berlin,  London,  and  Paris,  $2,000.  The  second 
secretaries  in  China  and  Japan  are  required  by  law  to  devote 
their  attention  to  the  study  of  the  languages  of  those  countries, 
receiving  yearly  salaries  of  $1,600.  There  are  also  secretaries 
of  legation  at  Bogota  and  Guatemala,  who  also  act  as  consuls 
general,  and  receives  salaries  of  $2,000 ;  in  Austria,  Brazil, 
Italy,  Mexico,  Spain,  and  Turkey,  at  $1,800 ;  in  Chile,  Peru, 
Argentine  Republic,  Venezuela,  and  Corea,  $1,500. 

There  are  interpreters  at  the  legations  in  Turkey  and  China, 
who  receive  a  salary  of  $3,000  ;  in  Japan,  $2,500;  in  Persia  and 
Corea,  $1,000  ;  and  in  Siam,  $500. 

The  secretary  of  state  at  his  discretion  allows  additional 
clerical  assistance  at  nearly  all  the  legations,  which  is  paid  for 
out  of  a  general  fund.  The  ministers  are  allowed  a  certain 
amount  of  money  each  year  for  the  rent  of  legations,  offices, 
messengers,  stationery,  light,  fuel,  and  other  necessary  ex- 
penses. There  is  also  a  fund  for  the  payment  of  the  funeral 
expenses  of  diplomatic  officials  who  die  abroad,  and  their 
widows  are  allowed  an  amount  equal  to  their  month's  com- 
pensation. 

As  we  have  no  diplomatic  relations  with  the  pope,  the 
United  States  sends  no  minister  to  the  Vatican  and  receives  no 
papal  nuncio. 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  15 

The  qualifications  for  employment  in  the  diplomatic  service 
of  most  countries  consist  of  a  thorough  education  in  inter- 
national law,  history,  and  treaties,  and  a  knowledge  of  French, 
which  is  recognized  the  world  over  as  the  language  of  di- 
plomacy, but  in  the  United  States  no  special  qualifications  are 
required.  In  other  countries  also  the  diplomatic  service  is 
recognized  as  a  profession,  which  is  entered  after  special 
preparation  in  youth  and  followed  through  life,  being  attended 
with  promotion  from  the  lower  to  the  higher  grades  according 
to  ability  and  proficiency,  and  when  by  reason  of  age  or 
infirmity  the  members  become  incapacitated  they  are  retired 
on  liberal  pensions.  But  in  the  United  States,  where  rotation 
in  office  is  one  of  the  fixed  principles  of  political  economy, 
every  foreign  minister  is  expected  to  tender  his  resignation 
with  a  change  in  the  executive  administration,  and  returns 
home  to  resume  his  previous  occupation  as  soon  as  his 
successor  is  appointed.  This  practice  is  condemned  by  many 
people  as  a  serious  defect  and  an  embarrassment,  but  there 
is  much  to  be  said  on  both  sides  of  the  question. 

Among  the  first  officials  appointed  after  the  inauguration  of 
a  new  President  and  the  installation  of  his  cabinet,  are  the 
ministers  to  foreign  nations,  and  it  is  customary  for  those  who 
seek  such  honors  to  present  their  applications  indorsed  by 
the  senators  and  representatives  of  the  states  in  which 
they  live,  and  other  citizens  who  are  supposed  to  have 
influence  with  the  executive.  These  papers  are  filed  at  the 
Department  of  State  and  are  there  classified  and  briefed. 
When  the  President  takes  up  the  subject  of  appointments,  the 
secretary  of  state  lays  the  papers  before  him,  and  the  friends 
of  the  candidates  supplement  the  written  testimonials  by 
personal  interviews  with  both  the  secretary  and  the  President. 
The  selections  for  the  most  important  places'are  usually  made, 
however,  upon  the  personal  acquaintance  of  the  President 


16  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

with  the  candidates  and  he  considers  not  only  their  qualifica- 
tions, but  their  political  services  and  influence  and  their 
geographical  location,  for  it  is  an  unwritten  law  that  such 
appointments  shall  be  distributed  as  fairly  as  possible  among 
the  several  states.  It  is  at  the  same  time  recognized  as  a 
privilege  of  the  President  to  select  his  personal  friends  for 
the  diplomatic  service,  as  a  diplomatic  office  is  in  no  sense 
a  political  one,  and  like  the  members  of  his  cabinet  should 
be  in  sympathy  with  the  policy  he  intends  to  carry  out  during 
his  administration. 

The  selections  having  been  made,  the  President  sends  the 
nominations  to  the  Senate,  where  they  are  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee on  foreign  relations,  whose  duty  it  is  to  inquire  into  the 
character  and  qualifications  of  the  appointee  and  to  report  the 
result  of  their  investigations  to  their  colleagues  in  executive 
session.  It  is  a  custom  observed  in  almost  every  case  that 
when  a  man  who  has  once  been  a  member  of  the  Senate 
is  appointed  to  office,  his  nomination  shall  be  considered  and 
confirmed  without  reference  to  a  committee.  This  is  called 
"senatorial  courtesy,"  and  is  based  upon  the  assumption  that 
the  qualifications  of  such  a  man  must  be  known  to  every  mem- 
ber of  the  Senate  and  that  one  who  has  once  occupied  a  seat 
in  that  body  is  competent  to  serve  his  country  in  any  other 
capacity.  Nominations  are,  however,  sometimes  rejected  by 
the  Senate  for  either  personal  or  political  reasons  ;  and  there 
are  some  famous  cases  on  record  of  the  refusal  of  the  Senate  to 
"  advise  and  consent  to  "  the  appointment  of  certain  persons 
who  have,  in  the  press  or  in  published  volumes,  criticised  the 
official  acts  or  attacked  the  personal  character  of  members 
of  the  Senate.  There  is  another  practice  in  senatorial  pro- 
cedure that  when  a  member  of  that  body  of  recognized  in- 
tegrity and  influence  shall  denounce  a  nominee  as  personally 
offensive  to  him  and  give  good  reasons  for  his  objections, 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES.  17 

the  nominee  shall  be  rejected.  But  these  instances  are  ex- 
ceedingly rare,  and  such  action  is  resorted  to  only  in  extreme 
cases. 

The  appointment  having  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate 
and  accepted,  the  new  minister  takes  the  oath  of  office  and 
receives  his  commission.  He  is  then  allowed  thirty  days' 
leave  to  make  preparations  for  departure  to  his  post  and 
to  receive  his  instructions.  He  is  then  furnished  with  cre- 
dentials,— that  is,  a  letter  from  the  President  to  the  ruler 
of  the  nation  to  which  he  is  accredited,  to  the  effect  that 
the  President,  "reposing  great  confidence  in  the  zeal,  ability, 
and  discretion "  of  the  person  named,  has  appointed  him 
envoy  extraordinary,  etc.,  and  that  he  hopes  all  faith  and 
credit  will  be  given  him  when  he  speaks  for  the  United  States. 
The  President  then  reiterates  his  assurances  of  respect  and 
confidence  and  his  wishes  for  the  welfare  of  the  sovereign  to 
whom  the  letter  is  addressed,  and  signs  the  document  "Your 

good  friend,  A B "  (President  of  the  United  States). 

Such  letters  are  always  addressed  in  a  similar  manner, 

"To   Victoria,  Queen  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  Empress 
of  India  : 

Great  and  Good  Friend — " 

and  are  countersigned  by  the  secretary  of  state. 

No  allowance  is  made  for  the  expenses  of  a  minister  in 
traveling  to  his  post,  but  his  salary  begins  on  the  date 
when  he  takes  the  oath  of  office,  and  he  is  given  a  certain 
number  of  days  to  reach  his  destination,  according  to  a 
fixed  schedule  of  distances,  which  varies  from  fifteen  days 
to  Mexico  to  seventy  days  to  China. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  his  post,  if  his  predecessor  is  still  there, 
the  latter  calls  with  him  upon  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  ; 
or  he  may  be  accompanied  by  the  charge  d'  affaires.  After  an 
introduction,  he  presents  a  certified  copy  of  his  credentials, 


18  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

and  the  draft  of  an   address  he  intends  to  deliver  when  he 
is  presented  to  the  sovereign,  with  a  request  that  the  presenta- 
tion may  take  place  at  the  convenience  of  the  latter.     The 
retiring  minister,  if  he  has  not  already  done  so,  presents  his 
letters  of  recall,  and  asks  an  opportunity  to  take  leave  of 
the  sovereign.    There  have  been  several  instances  in  which 
the  new  appointee  has  not  been  what  is  termed  a,  persona  grata 
(an    agreeable    person)   to  the  government   to    which    he    is 
accredited.     This  fact  is  usually  made  known  to  the  secretary 
of  state  by  the  representatives  at  Washington  of  the  country 
interested,  and  the  commission  is  then  revoked,  as  was  the 
case    in    the    recent    appointment    of   a    minister    to    China 
under  the  Harrison  administration  and  a  minister  to  Austria 
under    President   Cleveland.      But   usually  the   minister   of 
foreign  affairs  receives  the  new  appointee  cordially  and,  after 
consultation,  fixes  a  day  and  an  hour  for  the  official  pres- 
entation.     The    ratification    is    accompanied    by    a    copy    of 
the  address  which  the  sovereign  intends  to  deliver  on  the 
occasion.    This  exchange  of   speeches   previous  to  their  de- 
livery is  intended  to  avoid  anything  that  may  be  offensive  to 
either  government  and,  as  such  addresses  are  purely  formal 
and  complimentary,  no  corrections  are  suggested,  but  there 
have  been  cases  when  the  relations  between  two  governments 
were   "strained,"   and   the    presentation  speeches  have  been 
revised  by  request  before  delivery. 

In  the  United  States  there  is  no  such  officer  as  "  the  intro- 
ducer of  ambassadors,"  but  he  is  generally  found  attached  to 
all  the  courts  of  Europe,  and  the  foreign  offices  of  the  Latin 
American  Republics.  He  is  the  medium  of  communication 
between  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  and  the  members  of 
the  diplomatic  corps,  officiates  as  master  of  ceremonies  on 
occasions  of  festivity,  attends  the  corps  at  public  ceremonials, 
performs  the  very  important  duty  of  instructing  new  ministers 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  19 

in  the  etiquette  and  customs  of  the  court,  in  the  payment 
of  their  social  obligations,  and  makes  himself  generally  useful. 
These  duties  are  usually  performed  in  Washington  by  the 
chief  clerk  of  the  Department  of  State,  and  the  new  ministers 
obtain  information  as  to  official  and  social  usage  from  the  dean 
of  the  diplomatic  corps. 

The  day  and  hour  for  the  presentation  of  the  new  minister 
having  arrived,  he  is  waited  upon  at  his  legation  by  the 
official  "introducer  of  ambassadors"  and,  attended  by  that 
gentleman,  proceeds  to  the  palace  of  the  sovereign.  There  he 
is  met  by  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  who  escorts  him 
to  the  audience  chamber  or  throne  room.  The  doors  being 
opened  he  sees  the  sovereign  seated  upon  the  throne  at  the  op- 
posite end  of  the  apartment,  and,  with  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  at  his  right  and  the  "introducer  of  ambassadors"  at 
his  left  and  his  secretaries  behind  him,  he  makes  a  low 
bow.  Then  the  party  march  with  slow  and  dignified  strides 
to  the  center  of  the  room,  where  they  stop  and  make  another 
bow.  Then  they  resume  their  march  to  a  respectful  distance 
from  the  throne,  make  another  bow,  and  the  introducer 
of  ambassadors  announces  the  name  of  the  minister,  "envoy 
extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States."  The  latter  then  proceeds  to  read  his  address,  and 
at  its  conclusion  hands  to  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  the 
original  copy  of  his  credentials,  which  is  passed  up  to  the 
sovereign  and  received  by  some  attendant.  The  sovereign 
then  reads  his  reply  to  the  address.  In  some  countries,  at  its 
conclusion  he  descends  from  the  throne,  offers  his  hand  to  the 
new  minister,  and  presents  him  to  the  queen,  if  she  happens 
to  be  present,  and  to  the  other  members  of  the  court. 

An  envoy  extraordinary  is  received  in  what  is  known  as 
"  public  audience,"  that  is,  with  full  ceremonies  and  in  the 
presence  of  members  of  the  court,  the  sovereign  wearing  the 


20  'I'll  B    I'MTEl)   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

robes  of  state.  A  minister  resident  is  received  in  "private 
audience,"  that  is,  by  the  sovereign  alone,  without  attendance 
and  in  ordinary  costume.  When  a  court  is  in  mourning, 
all  ministers  are  received  in  "  private  audience." 

The  United  States  is  one  of  the  few  nations  that  has  no 
"court  dress."  The  ministers  of  other  countries  have  a 
distinctive  regalia  according  to  their  rank,  wear  swords, 
and  sashes,  and  decorations,  if  they  happen  to  have  them, 
at  their  presentation  and  on  all  occasions  of  ceremony  ;  but 
the  representatives  of  the  United  States  appear  in  simple 
evening  dress  (a  swallow-tailed  coat,  a  low-cut  vest,  and 
a  white  tie),  but  those  who  have  served  in  the  army  are 
permitted  to  wear  the  uniform  of  their  highest  brevet  rank. 
Some  ambitious  diplomatists  from  this  country  have  appeared 
in  militia  uniforms,  but  this  is  simply  tolerated,  and  is  not 
recognized  by  the  regulations. 

The  ceremonies  of  presentation  having  been  completed,  the 
minister,  with  his  escort,  makes  a  bow,  and  retires  backward 
to  the  center  of  the  room,  bows  again  and  continues  to  retire 
until  the  exit  is  reached,  when  he  can  turn  and  walk 
naturally  ;  but  it  is  very  bad  manners  to  turn  one's  back  upon 
the  sovereign  of  a  nation.  This,  however,  does  not  conclude 
the  formalities.  The  new  minister,  within  twenty-four  hours 
after  his  presentation,  is  expected  to  pay  a  visit  of  ceremony 
to  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  and  other  members  of  the 
cabinet,  at  their  residences,  and  to  his  colleagues  of  the 
diplomatic  corps.  In  these  visits  he  is  accompanied  by  the 
introducer  of  ambassadors  and  the  secretaries  of  the  legation, 
who  present  him. 

The  ceremony  of  presenting  new  ministers  from  foreign 
countries  to  the  United  States  is  very  different  and  is  in 
accordance  with  the  " Jefferson ian  simplicity"  that  is  sup- 
posed to   characterize    the   acts   of  all  the   officials  of  this 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES.  21 

government.  At  the  hour  appointed  the  minister  goes  to  the 
Department  of  State,  attended  by  his  secretaries,  and  is  es- 
corted by  the  secretary  of  state  to  the  "White  House.  Then  he 
is  shown  into  the  Red  Room,  and  a  messenger  notifies  the 
President.  The  latter  leaves  his  desk  and  comes  down  to 
the  Blue  Room  in  his  everyday  garments.  The  new  minister 
reads  his  address  ;  the  President  reads  his  reply,  the  party 
shake  hands  all  around,  spend  a  few  moments  in  familiar  con- 
versation, and  retire. 

The  foreign  legations  in  Washington  are  very  much  larger 
than  those  of  the  United  States  abroad,  and  the  ministers  and 
secretaries  of  legation  receive  much  higher  salaries.  The 
British  ambassador,  for  example,  is  provided  with  a  residence 
owned  by  his  government,  almost  as  spacious  as  the  Executive 
Mansion,  and  including  the  allowance  for  purposes  of  enter- 
tainment receives  a  compensation  nearly  equal  to  that  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  Even  his  carriage  and 
horses  are  paid  for  by  his  government  and  the  wages  of 
a  certain  number  of  servants,  while  the  President  of  the 
United  States  provides  his  own  carriage  and  pays  his  own 
servants  with  the  exception  of  his  steward,  the  gardeners,  the 
messengers,  and  the  watchmen.  The  British  ambassador  has 
five  secretaries,  a  military  attache,  and  a  naval  attache,  be- 
sides several  clerks. 

The  Mexican  ambassador  at  Washington  has  six  secretaries, 
while  the  United  States  minister  at  Mexico  has  one,  and 
the  legations  of  other  countries  have  a  similar  number  of 
assistants.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  diplomatic  service 
of  the  United  States  is  smaller  in  numbers  and  receives  less 
compensation  than  that  of  any  other  of  the  great  nations 
of  the  world.  The  annual  cost  of  the  entire  service  is  about 
$400,000,  while  that  of  Great  Britain  is  four  times  as  much. 

The  duties  of  a  minister  are  difficult  to  define,  as  they  are  so 


22  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

general  in  their  character  and  depend  entirely  upon  circum- 
stances and  the  relations  that  exist  between  his  own  govern- 
ment and  that  to  which  he  is  accredited.  He  is  expected 
always  to  keep  the  Department  of  State  informed  as  to  politi- 
cal events  and  public  opinion,  and  their  significance,  especially 
when  they  have  a  bearing  upon  affairs  at  home.  From  him 
the  secretary  of  state  should  learn,  promptly,  accurately,  and 
fully,  all  that  it  is  necessary  to  know  about  the  affairs,  the 
politics,  and  the  policy  of  the  nation  to  which  he  is  sent, 
and  in  former  times,  before  the  days  of  telegraphic  cables 
and  newspapers,  he  was  expected  to  send  information  con- 
cerning events  of  general  interest.  The  communications  of 
the  ministers  to  England,  France,  and  other  countries  seventy- 
five  years  ago  were  a  continuous  narrative  of  the  history 
of  the  time. 

These  communications  are  called  "dispatches,"  and  all 
official  correspondence  is  numbered  consecutively,  as  a  matter 
of  convenience,  so  that  in  replying  the  secretary  of  state 
begins,  "Referring  to  your  No.  117,  I  have  to  say,  etc."  The 
letters  from  the  secretary  of  state  are  known  as  "  instructions." 
Each  minister  begins  a  new  series  with  No.  1  and  continues 
to  the  end  of  his  term. 

The  secretary  of  state,  when  he  desires  to  communicate  with 
a  foreign  government,  can  do  so  either  through  the  minister  of 
the  United  States  at  the  capital  of  that  nation  or  through 
its  minister  at  Washington.  He  can  say  to  the  minister  of 
France  at  Washington,  "  I  wish  you  would  tell  your  govern- 
ment so  and  so,"  or  he  can  write  the  minister  at  Paris,  "You 
are  instructed  to  inform  the  government  of  France  that  such 
and  such  is  the  case."  But  the  ordinary  practice  is  to  confer 
with  the  minister  of  a  foreign  government  concerning  affairs 
that  exist  here,  and  with  the  minister  of  the  United  States 
concerning  matters  that  are  occurring  near  his  post,  on  the 


DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  23 

theory  that  a  minister  should  be  most  familiar  with  events 
that  happen  where  he  is  located. 

When  a  minister  of  the  United  States  in  a  foreign  country- 
receives  a  message  from  the  secretary  of  state  he  calls  upon 
the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  to  deliver  it.  If  it  is  a  matter  of 
importance,  he  prepares  what  is  termed  a  "note,"  either 
a  letter  drawn  in  formal  style  or  a  mere  memorandum  con- 
taining a  statement  of  facts,  which  he  presents  in  person 
and  accompanies  with  such  oral  explanation  as  may  be 
necessary.  To  this  "  note  "  he  expects  to  receive  a  prompt 
reply  and  if  he  requires  additional  information  he  calls  to 
obtain  it  before  communicating  with  his  government.  If  it  is 
a  matter  of  minor  importance  he  simply  confers  with  the 
minister  of  foreign  affairs  in  conversation  and  makes  a  memo- 
randum of  what  has  been  said  when  he  returns  to  his  legation. 

For  the  convenience  of  the  diplomatic  corps  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs  usually  has  a  day  when  those  who  have 
business  to  transact  with  him  can  have  an  opportunity  to 
do  so,  and  the  diplomatists  are  received  in  the  order  of 
their  rank  ;  or  if  they  be  of  the  same  rank  the  first  who  comes 
has  precedence  ;  but  ministers  can  call  at  any  time  at  the 
Foreign  Office,  if  their  errand  is  urgent,  or  even  at  the  resi- 
dence of  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  At  the  Department 
of  State  in  Washington,  Thursday  is  "diplomatic  day,"  and 
the  secretary  denies  himself  to  ordinary  visitors  if  any 
member  of  the  diplomatic  corps  desires  to  see  him. 

If  the  minister  does  not  converse  fluently  in  the  language  of 
the  country  to  which  he  is  accredited  or  if  the  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  does  not  understand  his,  he  is  at  liberty  to  bring 
his  own  interpreter.  There  are  official  interpreters  in  the 
foreign  departments  of  governments  who  may  be  called  in  on 
these  occasions,  but  where  the  topic  is  of  grave  importance 
each  has  his  own  interpreter.     When  the  minister  of  foreign 


24  THE  UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

afi&irs  speaks,  his  interpreter  makes  the  translation,  and 
vice  versa,  and  if  any  mistakes  are  made  one  has  the  right 
to  correct  the  other. 

Taking  the  affair  of  the  riot  in  New  Orleans  in  1891  as 
an  example  of  diplomatic  controversy,  Mr.  Blaine  conducted 
the  correspondence  with  Baron  Fava,  the  Italian  minister 
at  Washington,  who  received  his  instructions  by  cable  from 
Rome.  But  Mr.  Porter,  our  minister  at  Rome,  was  called 
upon  by  Mr.  Blaine  to  make  known  to  the  government  of 
Italy  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  relations  between  the  general  government  and  the  states, 
and  the  methods  of  criminal  procedure  that  prevail  in 
this  country.  He  was  instructed  to  explain  to  the  Marquis 
Rudini  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  federal  authority  to 
punish  crimes  committed  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  the 
State  of  Louisiana,  and  to  assure  him,  as  Mr.  Blaine  had 
already  assured  Baron  Fava,  (hat  the  President  would  use 
all  his  influence  to  bring  to  justice  those  who  had  been  guilty 
of  the  outrage. 

When  a  treaty  is  to  be  negotiated,  the  first  step  usually 
taken  by  the  minister  is  to  call  upon  the  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  and  discuss  the  subject  in  its  several  aspects  in  order 
that  a  general  understanding  may  be  reached.  Then  the 
representative  of  the  government  who  proposes  the  treaty  pre- 
pares a  "note"  or  memorandum  embodying  the  provisions 
he  desires  to  have  adopted.  This  he  submits  with  whatever 
explanation  or  argument  is  necessary.  Then  the  representa- 
tive of  the  other  power,  having  given  the  subject  sufficient 
investigation  and  reflection,  prepares  a  reply,  which  he 
forwards  to  the  other,  and  the  correspondence  is  continued, 
witli  frequent  interviews,  until  an  agreement  in  general  terms 
is  reached.  Both  prepare  memoranda  setting  forth  their 
understanding  of  the  agreement.     These  are  called  protocols, 


DIPLOMATIC   SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  25 

and  are  usually  submitted  by  the  diplomatist  to  his  home 
government  for  its  approval.  Then  by  further  correspond- 
ence the  details  are  agreed  upon,  two  exact  copies  of  the 
treaty  are  prepared  and  signed,  for  the  ratification  of  the 
governments  interested.  "When  this  ratification  is  completed, 
proclamation  of  the  fact  and  the  publication  of  the  text  of 
the  treaty  are  made  simultaneously  at  the  capitals  of  both 
nations,  usually  at  noon  on  a  day  agreed  upon. 

One  of  the  gravest  duties  of  a  minister  is  the  protection 
of  the  rights  of  his  fellow-citizens,  which  are  generally 
established  by  treaties.  This  is  especially  true  of  ministers 
of  the  United  States  in  countries  that  have  furnished  a  share 
of  the  immigrants  that  make  up  so  large  a  proportion  of 
our  population.  These  immigrants  often  return  to  their 
former  homes  and  get  into  trouble  when  they  call  upon  the 
United  States  legation  for  protection.  It  is  an  unfortunate 
fact,  too,  that  many  of  the  "American  colonies,"  as  citizens  of 
this  country  living  in  foreign  lands  are  called,  have  representa- 
tives of  the  criminal  class  among  their  number,  who  are 
fugitives  from  justice  and  commit  offenses  against  the  laws 
of  the  nations  in  which  they  reside.  They  also  appeal  to 
the  minister  when  they  are  charged  with  crime,  and  he  is 
required  to  see  that  justice  is  done  them.  In  each  legation 
a  register  is  kept,  in  which  citizens  of  the  United  States 
can  and  should  inscribe  their  names,  professions,  residences, 
etc.,  and  at  the  same  time  have  the  minister  indorse,  or 
vis6,  their  passports  or  naturalization  papers,  because  the 
first  thing  required  of  people  who  are  in  trouble  is  to  establish 
their  citizenship.  This  can  be  done  much  more  easily  before 
than  after  they  get  into  trouble,  and  the  records  of  a  legation 
are  accepted  as  prima  facie  evidence  of  the  fact. 

Foreign  ministers  are  also  called  upon  frequently  to  perform 
the  ceremony  of  marriage,   to    draw    wills   and    administer 


26  THE    UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

estates,   :uul   to   take  charge  of   the  property  of   citizens  of 
the  United  States  who  die  within  their  jurisdiction. 

Social  duties  and  pleasures  also  take  up  a  large  share  of  their 
time,  and  it  is  not  only  important  that  they  should  mingle 
freely  in  the  society  of  the  courts  to  which  they  are  attached, 
but  it  is  even  more  so  that  they  should  return  the  hospi- 
tality they  enjoy,  and  entertain  largely.  The  most  successful 
diplomacy  begins  at  the  dinner  table,  and  the  social  acquaint- 
ance and  standing  of  a  minister  give  him  an  influence  that  he 
could  not  otherwise  obtain.  For  this  reason  the  fact  that 
a  candidate  for  a  diplomatic  appointment  is  wealthy  and 
can  afford  to  spend  money  in  entertaining  is  a  powerful  argu- 
ment in  his  favor. 

A  minister  who  lives  in  an  economical  manner  that  would 
command  respect  at  home,  has  little  social  standing  or  in- 
fluence abroad,  for  he  is  recognized  as  the  representative  of  a 
powerful  and  wealthy  nation  and  is  expected  to  maintain  a 
corresponding  style  of  living. 

In  the  absence  of  great  questions  there  is  a  multitude  of 
routine  duties  to  keep  a  minister  busy,  and  he  is  expected 
to  show  some  attention  to  his  fellow-citizens  who  visit  the 
country  in  which  he  is  residing.  They  want  to  be  presented 
at  court  or  obtain  admission  to  public  and  private  places 
of  interest,  and  they  even  ask  him  to  recommend  tailors 
for  themselves  and  dressmakers  for  their  wives.  The  legations 
have  regular  office  hours,  and  their  business  is  transacted  with 
a  great  deal  of  formality.  Their  dispatches  must  be  prepared 
according  to  a  certain  form  ;  and  copies  made  in  a  book  kept 
for  that  purpose.  All  letters  they  receive  must  be  preserved, 
registered,  indexed,  and  filed,  and  a  daily  journal  kept  of 
the  transactions  of  the  legation. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  CONSULAR  SERVICE. 

The  consular  service  is  entirety  different  and  distinct 
from  the  diplomatic  service.  The  envoy  extraordinary  and 
minister  plenipotentiary  is  an  agent  of  the  government  to 
conduct  its  business  with  another  government.  A  consul 
is  the  representative  of  the  people  to  look  after  the  commercial 
interests  of  his  country,  and  their  business  is  with  local 
officials,  and  exporters  and  importers.  They  have  no  diplo- 
matic powers  or  privileges,  and  are  stationed  at  commercial 
centers  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  trade  and  preventing 
fraud  upon  the  revenues  of  their  country. 

The  consular  service  is  the  direct  and  necessary  result  of 
commerce,  and  in  early  times  consuls  were  selected  by  mer- 
cantile associations  and  not  by  governments.  They  were 
formerly  judges  or  arbitrators  in  the  settlement  of  differences 
between  merchants,  and  were  known  as  judge-consuls,  or 
consul-judges,  taking  their  title  from  that  of  the  municipal 
magistrates  of  the  Roman  Empire.  This  practice  was  con- 
tinued for  centuries.  It  is  said  that  the  first  appointment  of  a 
consul  by  the  government  of  England  was  at  the  request  of 
a  British  commercial  organization  in  an  Italian  city  which 
could  not  agree  in  the  selection  of  one  of  their  own  number, 
and  the  experiment  was  so  successful  that  the  government 
assumed  the  responsibility  in  other  cases,  and  the  practice 
became   general    among   all   governments.    By    the   natural 

27 


28  THE    IMTKIi   STATICS   AM)    FOREIGN  POWERS. 

evolution  of  affairs  the  powers  and  duties  of  consuls  became 
changed  and  enlarged,  and  the  organizations  of  courts,  and 
the  adoption  of  codes  of  international  law  deprived  them  of 
their  judicial  duties. 

The  consular  service  of  the  United  States  was  established  by 
law  in  1792,  but  before  that  date  "Washington  had  appointed 
seventeen  consuls  and  five  vice  consuls.  Under  this  law 
the  secretary  of  state  had  the  right  of  appointment,  and 
no  salaries  were  paid.  The  consuls  got  their  compensation  in 
the  form  of  fees  received  for  the  services  they  performed,  and 
were  usually  merchants  or  shipping  agents  at  foreign  ports. 
In  1816  an  attempt  was  made  to  reorganize  the  system  and 
establish  a  salaried  corps,  and  it  was  repeated  at  subsequent 
sessions  of  Congress,  but  the  present  service  was  not  estab- 
lished until  1856,  when  the  President  was  empowered  to  make 
the  appointments,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Senate, 
and  the  consulates  were  graded  according  to  their  importance. 
The  present  establishment  is  awkward,  and  in  many  respects 
defective,  and  it  is  universally  agreed  by  all  who  are  familiar 
with  the  subject  that  its  efficiency  could  be  vastly  increased  by 
reorganization.  At  every  session  of  Congress  bills  are  reported 
for  this  purpose,  but  political  influences  and  differences  of 
opinion  as  to  the  best  methods  to  be  adopted  have  prevented 
the  passage  of  a  new  law. 

Under  the  laws  of  the  United  States  no  especial  training 
or  qualifications  are  required  for  the  consular  service,  and 
appointments  are  made  by  the  President  for  political  and  per- 
sonal as  well  as  for  commercial  reasons.  Nor  is  there  any 
specific  term  of  office,  the  commission  being  revoked  at  the 
will  of  the  President.  But  consuls  are  not  expected  to  tender 
their  resignations  with  a  change  of  administration  as  diplo- 
matic officers  do.  They  continue  to  perform  their  duties  until 
their  resignations  are  tendered  voluntarily  or  at  the  request 


THE  CONSULAR  SERVICE.  29 

of  the  Department  of  State.  There  have  been  several  attempts 
in  Congress  to  make  the  corps  permanent  and  provide  for 
appointments  and  promotions  on  the  basis  of  special  qualifi- 
cations and  efficiency,  but  political  considerations  have  pre- 
vented, and  the  offices  are  still  deemed  proper  rewards  for 
political  services.  That  the  usefulness  of  the  service  is  im- 
paired by  frequent  changes  and  the  appointment  of  inefficient 
and  inexperienced  men,  there  is  no  doubt ;  because  it  requires 
from  six  months  to  a  year  for  a  consul  to  become  familiar  with 
his  duties,  and  his  ignorance  of  the  language  of  the  country 
in  which  he  is  stationed  detracts  greatly  from  his  efficiency. 
To  secure  an  appointment  in  the  British  consular  corps  a 
person  must  undertake  a  course  of  study  and  then  submit 
to  an  examination.  He  must  be  able  to  read  and  write  and 
speak  fluently  the  language  of  the  country  to  which  he  is 
sent ;  he  must  be  familiar  with  commercial  usages,  have  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  commercial  law,  and  be  versed  in  sta- 
tistics. Before  he  starts  for  his  post  he  must  serve  at  least 
three  months  in  the  consular  bureau  of  the  Foreign  Office,  and 
is  usually  required  to  serve  as  vice  consul  for  a  year  or  more 
before  he  is  given  a  permanent  place.  In  fact  the  greater 
portion  of  the  British  corps  have  commenced  their  career  as 
consular  clerks. 

The  French  system  is  even  more  severe  in  its  requirements. 
In  France  young  men  are  educated  especially  for  the  consular 
service  and  must  obtain  a  diploma  from  the  national  schools. 
The  first  appointment  is  made  to  the  lowest  grade,  after  an 
examination  in  international  and  commercial  law,  political 
economy,  geography,  statistics,  tariff  regulations,  and  the 
modern  languages.  Three  years'  experience  in  one  grade 
is  required  before  a  consul  can  be  promoted  to  the  next,  and  a 
new  examination  is  necessary  each  time. 
Similar  requirements  govern  appointments  and  promotions 


30  TIIK    DNITED   STATES  AND  FOREIGN   TOWERS. 

in  the  German,  Belgian,  Austrian,  Italian,  and  other  Euro- 
pean consular  corps. 

There  are,  however,  a  number  of  consuls  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States  who  have  been  retained  for  years,  and  pro- 
moted from  time  to  time,  because  of  their  especial  fitness 
and  efficiency.  The  oldest  officer  holds  a  commission  dated  In 
1848,  and  there  are  several  who  have  served  continuously  for 
sixteen,  eighteen,  and  twenty  years. 

Under  the  present  law  the  service  is  classified  into  several 
grades  :  (1)  consuls  general ;  (2)  consuls  ;  (3)  vice  consuls  ; 
(4)  deputy  consuls  ;  (5)  commercial  agents  ;  (6)  consular  clerks. 
These  are  subdivided  into  three  classes  :  (a)  consuls  who 
receive  fixed  salaries,  are  required  to  give  their  entire  time 
to  their  duties,  and  are  not  permitted  to  engage  in  private 
business  ;  (6)  those  who  receive  fixed  salaries,  but  are  allowed 
to  engage  in  private  business  ;  (e)  those  who  receive  com- 
pensation from  fees  collected  for  official  services  performed  and 
are  allowed  to  engage  in  private  business.  All  those  included 
in  classes  a  and  b  must  be  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 

A  consul  general  is  usually  stationed  at  the  chief  commercial 
city  of  the  country  in  which  he  resides,  and  has  supervision 
over  all  the  consuls  in  that  country,  but  there  may  be  two  or 
more  consuls  general  in  the  same  country,  each  with  his  own 
district  and  jurisdiction.  He  may  appoint  his  own  vice  consul 
and  deputy  consul  and  the  consular  agents  in  his  district,  sub- 
ject to  the  approval  of  the  secretary  of  state.  The  vice  consul 
receives  no  salary  and  is  not  required  to  perform  any  duties 
except  in  the  absence  of  his  chief,  but  is  generally  a  clerk 
in  the  office  of  the  consul,  and  takes  his  place  and  receives 
his  compensation  during  his  absence.  A  deputy  consul  is 
a  permanent  official  who  receives  a  fixed  compensation  from 
the  fees  collected  in  the  office,  and  assists  the  consul  in  the 
performance  of  his  duties. 


THE    CONSULAR  SERVICE.  31 

A  commercial  agent  differs  from  a  consul  only  in  rank  and 
grade,  and  is  entitled  to  the  same  rights  and  privileges  ;  he  is 
appointed  by  the  President  without  submitting  the  nomi- 
nation to  the  Senate. 

Consular  agents,  however,  are  only  the  representatives  of 
the  consul  of  the  district  in  which  they  serve,  and  derive 
their  powers  from  him  and  not  directly  from  the  government, 
although  their  duties  are  the  same.  They  are  not  authorized 
to  correspond  with  the  Department  of  State,  but  make  their 
reports  to  and  receive  their  instructions  from  the  consul. 

There  are  two  classes  of  consular  clerks.  There  are  thirteen 
clerks  in  the  service  who  are  appointed  by  the  secretary 
of  state,  and  hold  commissions  from  him  during  good  be- 
havior, with  salaries  of  $1,000  and  $1,200  a  year.  It  was 
designed  by  Congress  when  the  law  authorizing  their  appoint- 
ment was  passed,  to  make  the  corps  of  consular  clerks  a 
training  school  for  the  education  of  consuls,  but  the  intention 
has  not  been  carried  out.  The  other  class  are  temporary  clerks, 
appointed  by  the  consuls,  with  the  approval  of  the  secretary 
of  state,  and  paid  from  the  fees  collected  in  the  office. 

The  consuls  of  the  United  States  may  be  described  as  trade 
sentinels  stationed  at  the  chief  cities  of  the  world,  to  keep  their 
commander,  the  secretary  of  state,  promptly  and  fully  in- 
formed of  all  matters  and  events  of  commercial  interest,  to 
prevent  frauds  upon  the  revenues  by  certifying  to  the  correct- 
ness of  the  invoices  of  goods  exported  to  this  country,  and 
to  notify  the  government  at  Washington  of  any  attempt  at 
smuggling  which  they  may  suspect  or  detect.  They  are  charged 
in  a  general  way  to  protect  the  interests  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens who  may  be  residing  in  the  district  over  which  they  have 
jurisdiction  ;  to  inform  the  government  of  the  violation  of 
treaties  ;  to  give  advice  and  assistance  to  merchants  and  ship- 
masters that  may  visit  their  ports  ;  to  prevent  the  emigration 


32  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN    POWERS. 

of  paupers  and  criminals  to  the  United  States;  to  look  after 
sick  and  indigent  citizens  of  their  own  country;  and  to  take 
charge  of  the  property  of  those  who  die.  They  are  given 
police  jurisdiction  over  the  merchant  marine  of  the  United 
States,  and  have  power  to  decide  disputes  between  shipmasters 
and  members  of  their  crews,  to  arrest  deserters  from  ships, 
to  investigate  shipwrecks,  and  send  home  discharged,  disabled, 
or  shipwrecked  seamen.  They  are  also  required  to  investigate 
and  report  upon  all  arrests  of  American  citizens  charged  with 
crime  ;  to  see  that  their  interests  are  properly  protected  in  the 
courts,  and  that  the  stipulations  of  treaties  covering  such 
cases  are  complied  with. 

A  consul  is  also  required  to  certify  in  triplicate  to  the  accu- 
racy of  the  invoices  of  all  goods  shipped  to  the  United  States. 
He  not  only  takes  the  oath  of  the  merchant  or  manufacturer 
who  ships  them,  but  must  have  an  accurate  knowledge  of 
the  value  of  the  goods  in  order  to  prevent  perjury  and  fraud 
in  undervaluations.  Of  these  triplicate  invoices,  one  is  filed 
in  the  consulate  ;  one  is  forwarded  to  the  collector  of  the  port 
to  which  the  goods  are  sent,  and  the  third  is  given  to  the 
shipper,  who  sends  it  to  the  person  for  whom  they  are  in- 
tended, for  use  in  securing  their  admission  through  the 
custom  house  and  in  paying  the  duties  assessed  upon  them. 
For  this  service  he  charges  certain  fees  which  are  fixed  by 
law.  He  must  keep  an  accurate  record  of  all  invoices  also, 
with  the  fees  collected,  and  at  the  end  of  each  quarter  forward 
a  copy  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  at  Washington. 

He  must  register  and  report  the  arrival  and  departure  of 
every  ship  that  visits  his  port,  inspect  and  sign  the  manifestoes 
of  their  cargoes ;  forward  a  list  of  passports  issued  or  vis6d ; 
a  list  of  the  marriages  and  deaths  of  American  citizens  within 
his  jurisdiction  ;  and  at  stated  times  furnish  the  Department 
of  State  with  a  list  of  such  citizens  residing  in  his  consular 


THE  CONSULAR  SERVICE.  33 

district.  He  must  furnish  quarterly,  too,  a  report  covering  all 
the  transactions  of  his  consulate,  his  receipts  and  expenditures 
of  money,  etc.  He  must  frequently  inform  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury  of  the  sanitary  condition  of  the  port  at  which  he  is 
located,  notify  him  by  cable  of  the  departure  of  vessels  infected 
with  contagious  diseases,  and  certify  to  bills  of  health. 

He  is  required  to  keep  pace  with  the  progress  of  industry 
and  commerce  in  his  district,  report  promptly  all  important 
inventions  and  discoveries,  all  improvements  in  manufactures 
and  agriculture,  changes  in  tariff  laws  and  regulations, 
tonnage  and  harbor  dues  and  regulations,  changes  in  light- 
houses, buoys,  beacons,  shoals,  and  such  other  information 
as  may  be  useful  to  those  engaged  in  commerce  and  navi- 
gation. 

At  stated  periods  he  must  forward  full  reports  and  statistics 
concerning  commerce,  navigation,  finances,  immigration,  agri- 
culture, mining,  fisheries,  forestry,  manufactures,  population, 
the  prices  of  merchandise,  wages  of  labor,  and  such  other  mat- 
ters as  may  be  of  interest  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
At  intervals  the  Department  of  State  issues  circulars  to  the 
officers  of  the  consular  service  calling  for  specific  information 
of  importance  to  the  various  branches  of  industry  and  com- 
merce in  this  country.  This  information  and  the  regular 
reports  of  consuls  are  published  by  the  Department  in  pamph- 
let form  for  free  distribution  to  the  public.  Briefs  or  proof 
sheets  are  first  furnished  to  the  news  agencies  at  Washington, 
and  then  the  publications  are  issued  in  permanent  form. 
They  have  proved  to  be  of  the  greatest  value. 

There  are  thirty-four  consuls  general,  who  receive  salaries 
varying  from  $2,000  to  $6,000,  one  consul  at  Liverpool  receiv- 
ing $6,000,  one  at  Hong-Kong  receiving  $5,000,  eight  receiving 
$3,500,  twenty-one  receiving  $3,000,  twenty-eight  receiving 
$2,500,  forty-eight  receiving  $2,000,  eighty-two  receiving  $1,500, 


34  THE  UNITED  BTATKS  AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

and  the  remainder  $1,000  each.  There  are  also  378  consular 
agents  receiving  fees  limited  to  $1,000  a  year. 

The  compensation  of  a  consul,  however,  is  not  limited  to  his 
salary.  He  is  authorized  to  collect  two  kinds  of  fees,  official  and 
unofficial.  The  services  for  which  official  fees  may  be  charged 
are  defined  in  the  consular  regulations  and  must  be  reported  to 
the  treasury.  Consuls  who  receive  fixed  salaries  may  deduct 
the  amount  from  the  official  fees  they  collect,  and  also  whatever 
is  allowed  them  for  the  expenses  of  their  office.  A  consul  whose 
compensation  depends  upon  the  fees  of  his  office  must  report 
all  his  collections,  but  is  not  required  to  report  his  expenditures. 

Unofficial  fees  may  be  collected  for  services  not  enumerated 
in  the  consular  regulations,  and  need  not  be  reported.  The 
amount  of  such  fees  is  variable  and  depends  upon  the  location. 
They  are  derived  chiefly  from  notarial  acts  :  for  preparing 
papers,  attesting  documents,  witnessing  signatures,  taking 
depositions  and  other  testimony,  for  collecting  debts,  managing 
estates,  and  for  performing  other  service  not  strictly  within 
the  line  of  duty.  In  the  larger  cities  of  Europe  these  fees 
amount  annually  to  a  considerable  sum,  often  greater  than  the 
salary  of  the  consul. 

The  allowances  to  consuls  for  office  expenses  are  very  moder- 
ate, and  are  made  under  fixed  regulations,  dependent,  how- 
ever, upon  the  appropriations  by  Congress. 

The  salaries  paid  consuls  by  other  governments  are  much 
larger  than  those  allowed  by  the  United  States.  Our  consuls  at 
London  and  Paris  receive  $6,000  a  year,  while  the  British  consul 
at  New  York  receives  $12,500,  and  the  French  consul  $12,000. 
Our  consul  at  Berlin  receives  $4,000  and  the  German  consul 
at  New  York,  $10,000.  Our  consul  at  St.  Petersburg  receives 
$3,000  and  the  Russian  consul  at  New  York,  $10,000.  Our 
consul  at  Frankfort  receives  $3,000  and  the  German  consul  at 
Chicago,  $5,000. 


THE  CONSULAR  SERVICE.  35 

The  consul,  after  his  appointment,  is  allowed  thirty  days 
to  close  up  his  private  affairs  and  to  receive  instructions,  and 
a  certain  number  of  days,  fixed  by  the  regulations  according 
to  distance,  for  reaching  his  post.  He  is  also  allowed  thirty 
days  each  year,  or  sixty  days  every  two  years,  when  he  may  be 
absent  from  his  post.  He  cannot  enter  upon  his  duties 
until  he  has  received  what  is  called  an  exequatur  from  the 
government  under  which  he  is  to  reside.  This  is  an  official 
document  given  him  by  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
acknowledging  his  appointment  and  recognizing  his  authority. 
Sometimes  the  exequatur  is  refused,  perhaps  on  account  of 
the  personal  character  of  the  consul,  or  because  he  has  said 
or  done  something  offensive  to  the  people  among  whom  he 
is  to  reside. 

His  first  duty  upon  receiving  his  exequatur  is  to  receive  the 
records  and  property  of  the  consulate,  and  sign  a  duplicate  in- 
ventory and  receipt,  for  the  protection  of  his  predecessor.  One 
copy  is  left  on  file  in  the  consulate  and  the  other  is  forwarded 
to  the  Department  of  State.  He  then  makes  calls  of  cere- 
mony upon  the  officials  of  the  city  and  upon  the  other 
members  of  the  consular  corps,  and  sends  official  notifications 
of  his  arrival  to  the  other  United  States  consuls  in  the  vicinity 
of  his  post. 

The  social  position  of  a  consul  depends  entirely  upon  his 
personal  character  and  attainments,  exactly  as  it  would  at 
home.  He  receives  invitations  to  participate  in  official  cere- 
monies, but,  unlike  a  diplomatic  agent,  he  is  not  expected 
to  entertain  unless  he  cares  to  do  so,  and  his  social  relations 
with  the  people  where  he  resides  are  not  governed  by  his 
official  position. 


CHAPTER  ITI. 

THE  FOUNDING    OF  THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN   REPUBLICS. 

To  understand  properly  the  history  and  growth  of  diplo- 
matic relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  other  nations 
of  America,  some  knowledge  of  the  events  which  led  to  the 
separation  from  Spain  of  her  colonies  on  this  continent  is 
necessary.  For  nearly  two  and  a  half  centuries  the  whole  of 
South  America,  except  Brazil,  was  governed  by  a  viceroy  re- 
siding at  Lima,  and  the  Spanish  colonies  in  North  America 
by  a  viceroy  at  the  City  of  Mexico.  Courts  of  justice,  called 
Audiencias,  were  established  in  the  several  provinces,  and 
their  jDresidents,  with  the  title  of  governor,  or  captain-general, 
exercised  executive  authority  subject  to  the  central  power 
in  Peru  and  Mexico.  The  Audiencia  of  Upper  Peru,  or  what 
is  now  known  as  Bolivia,  sat  at  Charcas ;  that  of  Chile  at 
Santiago  ;  that  of  Ecuador  at  Quito ;  that  of  Colombia,  or 
New  Granada,  at  Bogota  ;  that  of  Central  America  at  Guate- 
mala ;  that  of  Venezuela  at  Caracas  ;  and  that  of  the  United 
Provinces  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  (Paraguay,  Uruguay,  and  the 
Argentine  Republic),  sometimes  at  Asuncion,  and  often  at 
Buenos  Aires.  Brazil,  wbile  under  Spanish  domination,  from 
1582  to  1640,  was  ruled  by  an  Audiencia  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  but 
became  a  viceroyalty  when  the  authority  of  Portugal  was 
restored. 

The  policy  of  Spain  was  to  restrain  rather  than  to  promote 
the  development  of  her  colonies  in  America ;  to  strip  them 

36 


FOUNDING  OF  THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  37 

of  everything  that  would  bring  profit  to  the  crown,  and  to  en- 
force a  monopoly  of  commerce  with  the  mother  country.  All 
industries  that  would  compete  with  Spanish  interests  were 
prohibited  ;  no  goods  could  be  imported  from,  and  no  products 
exported  to  any  other  country.  The  natives  were  enslaved, 
and  citizens  of  Spanish  birth  were  compelled  to  pay  heavy 
tribute  to  the  crown  and  to  the  church.  But  the  growth  of 
population  made  this  form  of  government  unwieldy,  and  the 
exclusive  policy  bred  discontent.  In  1740  therefore,  a  division 
of  the  southern  continent  was  made,  and  a  third  viceroy  was 
established  at  Bogota,  in  charge  of  the  Northern  Provinces 
of  Ecuador,  Columbia,  and  Venezuela.  In  1776  a  fourth  was 
stationed  at  Buenos  Aires  to  govern  the  Southern  Provinces. 

There  were  frequent,  spasmodic  attempts  at  resistance  to 
Spanish  tyranny  during  all  these  centuries,  but  they  were 
directed  only  at  unpopular  governors  or  oppressive  edicts.  It 
was  not  until  after  the  successful  revolution  in  North  America, 
and  the  establishment  of  the  republic  of  the  United  States, 
that  the  thoughts  of  leading  minds,  and  the  efforts  of  patri- 
otic statesmen  were  directed  to  actual  independence. 

Francisco  Miranda,  who  was  the  leader  of  South  American 
independence,  was  a  native  of  Caracas,  Venezuela.  His  family 
were  of  Spanish  origin,  and  prominent  among  the  colonial  no- 
bility. They  had  large  estates  and  great  wealth  and,  like 
other  young  men  of  his  class,  he  was  sent  to  Europe  to  com- 
plete his  education.  In  Paris  he  met  the  Marquis  de  Lafay- 
ette, who  had  already  been  engaged  in  the  war  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  had  returned  to  France  for  funds  and  reinforcements. 
Miranda,  then  about  twenty-four  years  of  age,  was  one  of  the 
first  to  enlist,  and,  reaching  Boston,  was  given  a  position  upon 
the  staff  of  Washington.  He  fought  through  the  war,  and 
upon  the  organization  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
having  become  inspired  with  the  example  of  Washington,  de- 


38  THE  UNITED  STATES  AM)   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

cided  to  attempt  tin'  liberation  of  his  own  country.  Collecting 
a  small  company  of  adventurers  from  among  his  comrades  of 
the  continental  army,  he  sailed  from  New  York,  and  landed 
upon  the  coast  of  Venezuela,  where  he  raised  the  standard 
of  liberty  and  issued  a  proclamation  calling  upon  his  fellow- 
countrymen  to  assert  their  independence.  But  public  opinion 
had  not  been  educated  to  a  point  favorable  to  such  radical 
measures.  Miranda  was  easily  overcome  by  the  forces  of  the 
Spanish  governor.  Some  of  his  companions  were  shot,  some 
were  imprisoned,  and  his  life  was  spared  only  through  the 
intercession  of  his  family  and  friends.  Being  banished,  he 
returned  to  Europe,  and  remained  for  a  time  in  France,  where 
he  endeavored  to  raise  money  and  men  to  renew  the  attack. 
Then,  attracted  by  the  splendors  of  the  court  of  Catherine  the 
Great,  he  went  to  St.  Petersburg,  and  spent  several  years  as 
the  favorite  and  acknowledged  lover  of  that  remarkable  em- 
press. 

Miranda  was  a  man  of  great  accomplishments — a  poet,  a 
wit,  and  a  musician  ;  and  behind  the  gay  manners  of  a  court- 
ier he  concealed  the  motive  of  his  life.  But  he  failed  to  enlist 
the  sympathy  of  Catherine  in  his  plan  to  liberate  Venezuela, 
and  when  the  French  Revolution  broke  out,  he  returned  to 
Paris,  and  was  made  a  General  of  Division.  Being  defeated  in 
battle  he  was  deprived  of  his  command,  and  went  to  London 
wThere  he  lived  a  miserable  existence,  in  garrets  and  in  gutters, 
writing  songs  and  pamphlets,  until  he  was  rescued  by  Simon 
Bolivar. 

The  latter,  thirty  years  younger  than  Miranda,  was  also 
a  native  of  Caracas,  a  man  of  similar  family  and  large  estates. 
He  also  had  gone  to  Europe  to  finish  his  education.  Before 
leaving  Venezuela,  Bolivar  had  become  infected  with  the 
revolutionary  fever,  and  during  a  tour  through  the  United 
States  had  visited  the    tomb    of   Washington,   where,   in  a 


FOUNDING  OF  THE  SOUTH   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  39 

dramatic  manner,  he  dedicated  his  life  to  the  cause  of  Venezu- 
elan independence. 

The  invasion  of  the  Spanish  peninsula  by  Napoleon  in  1808, 
and  the  establishment  of  his  brother  upon  the  throne  at 
Madrid,  were  the  direct  cause  of  the  revolution  in  South  Amer- 
ica, for  at  Caracas  the  governor  as  well  as  the  people  declined 
to  recognize  the  authority  of  Joseph  Bonaparte.  But  a  propa- 
ganda had  been  actively  engaged  since  the  ineffectual  attempt 
of  Miranda,  and  the  people  were  now  ready  to  throw  off  the 
yoke.  Bolivar  had  been  very  active,  with  a  number  of  other 
young  men  of  aristocratic  lineage,  and  in  1811,  when  he  re- 
turned to  Venezuela  with  Miranda,  an  organization  was  easily 
effected.  On  the  5th  of  July,  1811,  a  mass  meeting  of  citizens 
was  called  in  the  Council  chamber  at  Caracas,  a  declaration  of 
independence  was  prepared  and  signed,  and  the  republic  of 
Venezuela  was  proclaimed  with  Miranda  as  military  and 
political  chief.  The  document,  faded  with  age,  still  hangs 
in  the  room  where  it  was  written  and  signed,  and  beside  it 
a  massive  painting  representing  the  scene. 

The  Spanish  governor  at  once  abdicated,  but  Spain  sent  ten 
thousand  men  to  Venezuela  to  recover  authority.  Miranda 
prepared  to  meet  them,  organized  an  army,  and  was  about 
to  take  the  field,  when  an  awful  earthquake  occurred,  which 
destroyed  the  greater  part  of  Caracas,  and  buried  several  thou- 
sand of  his  soldiers  in  the  ruins.  The  priests,  always  loyal 
to  the  crown,  proclaimed  the  catastrophe  as  a  righteous 
judgment  of  God  upon  the  revolutionists,  and  the  Spanish 
army  took  possession  of  the  city  before  the  moans  of  the  dying 
had  ceased.  Miranda  was  captured  and  sent  to  Spain,  where 
he  died  in  prison.  Bolivar  escaped  to  the  interior,  and  finally 
made  his  way  to  Jamaica,  where  he  awaited  developments. 

The  next  revolution  was  in  Chile,  and  was  ecpially  unfortu- 
nate ;  but  in  Buenos  Aires  the  attempt  was  more  successful, 


40  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

and  in  1813  an  independent  government  was  established. 
General  San  Martin,  the  leader  of  the  movement  there, 
raised  an  army,  which  he  led  across  the  Andes  to  the  aid 
of  the  Chilian  revolutionists,  and  succeeded  in  driving  out  the 
Spaniards.  But  it  was  not  until  1818  that  the  republic  of 
Chile  was  organized.  Before  tins  time  the  epidemic  of  revo- 
lution bad  spread  throughout  all  South  America.  Peru  was  the 
next  point  of  attack,  and  the  successful  revolutionary  party  in 
('bile  sent  a  licet  and  an  army  there.  In  the  meantime  Bolivar 
had  accomplished  the  independence  of  Vene/.uela,  and  had 
driven  the  Spanish  army  from  Colombia.  The  republic  of 
New  Granada  was  formed  by  the  two  provinces  with  Bolivar 
as  President.  Ecuador  was  soon  after  added.  Then  Bolivar, 
at  the  head  of  his  army,  marched  to  the  aid  of  the  patriots  in 
Peru,  where  lie  attacked  the  Spaniards  from  the  north  while 
San  Martin  and  O'Higgins  of  Chile  were  following  the  con- 
quest from  the  southward.  In  September,  1823,  the  two 
revolutionary  forces  met  at  Lima,  where  Bolivar  was  pro- 
claimed Dictator,  and  the  Spaniards  withdrew.  He  then 
assembled  the  united  armies  for  an  attack  upon  Bolivia,  the 
last  of  the  provinces  that  remained  under  Spanish  authority. 
On  the  7th  of  December,  1824,  on  the  little  plain  of  Ayacucho, 
11,600  feet  above  the  sea,  the  last  battle  of  the  war  for  the 
possession  of  the  continent  occurred.  The  Spaniards  were 
overcome,  the  independence  of  Upper  Peru  was  declared,  and 
a  new  republic  formed,  christened  Bolivia  in  honor  of  the 
great  Liberator.  General  Sucre  was  elected  President,  and 
Bolivar  made  a  triumphant  return  to  Lima.  He  soon  after- 
wards resigned  the  presidency  of  Peru  and  returned  to  Bogota, 
where,  after  a  turbulent  administration  of  four  years,  he  re- 
tired to  the  little  city  of  Saida  Marta,  on  the  coast  of  Colombia 
and  died  impoverished  in  1830. 
The  Republic  of  New  Granada  soon  dissolved.     Geographi- 


FOUNDING  OF  THE  SOUTH   AMERICAN   REPUBLICS.  41 

cal  conditions  forbade  its  existence,  and  three  independent 
states,  Colombia,  Venezuela,  and  Ecuador,  were  founded  with 
the  original  colonial  boundaries  as  their  limits.  Uruguay  and 
Paraguay  were  separated  from  the  Argentine  Republic  about 
1828,  and  became  independent  nations. 

When  Napoleon  took  possession  of  Portugal  in  1808,  the 
king  fled  to  Brazil  and  remained  there  until  1821.  Then,  upon 
his  return  to  Lisbon,  the  independence  of  the  colony  was 
declared  and  Dom  Pedro  I.,  the  eldest  son  of  King  Joam  VI. 
of  Portugal,  was  made  emperor.  In  1831  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  son,  the  late  Dom  Pedro  II.,  who  ruled  until  the  republic 
was  established  in  1889. 

Mexico  had  obtained  her  independence  after  a  long  and 
bloody  struggle;  in  Central  America  the  Spanish  standard 
fell  without  a  blow  ;  but  the  far-reaching  vision  of  Bolivar,  who 
was  the  ablest  man  the  southern  continent  has  produced,  saw 
the  necessity  of  close  political  and  commercial  relations  be- 
tween the  newborn  republics  in  order  that  they  might  main- 
tain their  integrity  and  independence,  for  he  said,  "  the  will  of 
God  has  not  separated  them  without  purpose,  by  the  immen- 
sity of  two  oceans,  from  the  rest  of  the  world."  He  did  not 
advise  the  consolidation  of  America  under  a  single  govern- 
ment or  the  establishment  of  a  confederation,  but  his  genius 
realized  that  a  strong  bond  of  union  and  sympathy  between 
the  recently  created  republics  was  necessary  to  preserve  their 
peace,  to  promote  their  prosperity,  and  to  protect  them  from 
the  powers  of  Europe,  who  regarded  their  independence  with 
the  greatest  apprehensions. 

In  1815,  Bolivar,  then  only  about  thirty  years  of  age,  was  an 
exile  in  Jamaica.  The  cause  of  independence  had  suffered 
reverses  throughout  the  entire  continent.  The  revolutionary 
armies  had  been  dispersed.  The  Spaniards  had  recovered  con- 
trol of  most  of  their  provinces,  and  seemed  likely  to  resume 


42  I  Hi:   UNITED  STATES  AND    FOREIGN    POWEBS. 

their  autocratical  government  over  the  remainder.  To  most  of 
the  patriots  the  future  seemed  hopeless.  It  was  then  that 
he  wrote  his  famous  "  prophetic  letter,"  addressed  to  some  un- 
known friend.  It  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  documents 
in  history,  not  only  from  the  clearness  with  which  he  ex- 
plained the  motives  of  the  revolutionists  and  the  reasons  for 
the  reverses  they  had  suffered,  but  because  of  the  wonderful 
accuracy  with  which  he  predicted  the  course  of  the  struggle 
for  independence,  the  final  triumph,  and  the  events  that  hap- 
pened during  the  subsequent  half  century. 

"  It  is  difficult  for  me,  or  for  any  one  else,  to  predict  exactly 
the  future  condition  of  the  New  World,  state  the  policy  that  it 
will  pursue,  or  even  prophesy  the  forms  of  government  which 
will  be  adopted  in  it.  ...  I  consider  the  state  of  America, 
just  at  this  moment,  to  be  about  the  same  as  the  state  of 
Europe,  when,  upon  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  each  de- 
tached section  constituted  itself  separately,  according  to  its 
own  interests  or  its  geographical  situation  or  perhaps  the  indi- 
vidual ideas  or  ambition  of  political  leaders.  .  .  .  But  in 
spite  of  these  difficulties,"  Bolivar  added  that  he  would  ven- 
ture "a  kind  of  guess  about  the  future  of  America,  mere 
conjecture,"  he  said,  "which  at  once  I  admit  to  be  arbitrary, 
and  dictated  more  by  a  reasonable  desire  than  by  probable 
reasoning." 

The  internal  discussions  and  civil  strife  which  he  foresaw, 
and  of  which  he  had  already  no  inconsiderable  experience, 
found  in  his  mind  an  easy  explanation,  in  the  fact  that  "  the 
position  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  American  continent 
had  been  held  for  centuries  had  been  purely  passive,  that  they 
had  been  kept  completely  unacquainted  with  political  life,  and 
reduced  to  a  state  lower  than  slavery,  which  rendered  it  more 
difficult  for  them  to  raise  themselves  to  the  enjoyment  of 
liberty."     "Besides  being  deprived,"  he  said,  "of  the  rights 


FOUNDING  OF  THE  SOUTH   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  43 

which  belonged  to  us,  we  were  left,  as  far  as  public  matters  are 
concerned,  in  a  state  of  permanent  infancy  .  .  .  and  in  re- 
gard to  matters  of  state,  and  to  the  science  of  administration 
of  the  government,  we  found  ourselves  as  if  absent,  or  cut  off, 
from  the  rest  of  the  world."  .  .  .  And  now  "  we  see  our- 
selves called  upon,  suddenly,  without  any  previous  prepa- 
ration, and  what  is  more  to  be  lamented,  without  any  practical 
knowledge  of  public  affairs,  to  act  on  the  stage  of  the  world 
the  eminent  part  of  legislators,  judges,  financiers,  diploma- 
tists, and  generals,  and  to  exercise  authority  in  all  degrees, 
from  the  supreme  to  the  most  subaltern  position,  filling  all  the 
offices  which  constitute  the  hierarchy  of  a  well-regulated  state. 
.  .  .  Can  it  be  expected  that  we  may  at  once  be  able  to  keep 
the  scale  at  its  just  equilibrium,  and  fulfil  without  difficulty 
the  arduous  task  of  conducting  a  republican  government? 
Can  it  be  imagined  that  a  people,  whose  chains  have  just  been 
broken,  Mill  enter  the  life  of  liberty,  without  being  liable,  like 
a  new  Icarus,  to  see  its  wings  melted  and  to  fall  into  the  abyss  ? 
Such  a  prodigy  would  be  inconceivable  :  and  no  reasoning  or 
desire  can  ever  induce  us  to  entertain  such  hope." 

The  Liberator  thought  that  Mexico  would  be  a  republic, 
with  a  tendency  to  a  personal  form  of  government,  wherein 
the  executive  would  be  invested  with  great  power,  and  where 
the  stability  of  the  institutions  would  depend  primarily  on 
the  character  of  the  individual  into  whose  hands  the  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs  would  be  placed. 

"  The  states  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,"  he  said,  "  will  form 
perhaps  a  union.  That  magnificent  portion  of  America, 
situated  between  the  two  oceans,  will  be  in  due  time  the 
emporium  of  the  universe.  Its  canals  will  shorten  the  dis- 
tance which  separates  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  will 
render  the  commercial  ties  which  connect  Europe,  America, 
and  Asia,  closer  and  stronger.     The  yieldings  of  the  four  parts 


44  THE  UNITED  STATES   AND    FOREIGN    POWERS. 

of  the  earth  will  be  brought  as  a  tribute  to  that  happy  section 
of  the  world.  Perhaps  the  true  capital  of  the  earth  might 
be  established  there,  and  be  made  exactly  what  Constantine 
desired  that  Byzance  should  be. 

"New  Granada  may  be  united  to  Venezuela;  and  if  they 
can  agree  to  centralize  their  governments  and  form  a  republic, 
their  capital  must  be  Maracaibo,  or,  if  not,  a  new  city,  which 
might  be  called  Las  Casas,  in  honor  of  that  hero  of  philan- 
thropy, and  could  be  founded  with  advantage  at  the  magnifi- 
cent port  of  Bahia  Honda,  on  the  dividing  line  of  the  two 
countries.  .  .  .  The  government  of  this  republic  will  be 
shaped  on  the  same  plan  as  the  British  government,  with 
the  only  difference  that  instead  of  a  king  the  nation  shall  have 
at  her  head  a  chief  executive  magistrate,  elected  by  the  people, 
...  a  hereditary  senate,  which  in  all  political  storms,  may 
interpose  itself  between  the  popular  waves  and  the  executive 
arm  .  .  .  and  a  popular  house,  consisting  of  members 
freely  elected  by  the  people.  .  .  .  But  if  New  Granada  does 
not  consent  to  form  with  Venezuela  a  central  government 
.  .  .  the  state  formed  by  herself  alone  may  be  very  happy 
and  prosperous,  because  of  the  immense  resources  which  she 
possesses. 

"We  know  very  little  of  what  is  going  on  in  Buenos  Aires 
.  .  .  but  judging  by  appearances  the  government  will  be 
centralized,  and  the  military  element  will  prevail  in  it,  owing 
to  its  dissensions  at  home,  and  its  wars  abroad.  It  is  possible 
for  said  government  to  degenerate  into  an  oligarchy,  or  a  more 
or  less  restricted  monarchy,  under  some  name  which  no  one 
can  guess.  I  have  to  say,  however,  that  such  result  would  be 
deplorable  to  the  extreme,  because  the  people  of  that  country 
are  entitled  to  splendid  glory. 

"The  kingdom  of  Chile  is  called  by  nature,  by  its  situation, 
by  the  habits  and  customs  of  its  inhabitants,  and  by  the 


FOUNDING  OP  THE  SOUTH   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  45 

example  of  its  neighbors,  the  proud  republicans  of  Arauco, 
to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  just  laws  and  republican  institutions. 
If  any  republic  is  to  last  long  in  America,  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  that  one  will  be  Chile.  The  spirit  of  liberty  has 
never  been  extinguished  there,  and  the  vices  of  Europe  and 
Asia  will  never  come,  or  will  come  very  late,  to  corrupt  the 
habits  of  that  remote  corner  of  the  universe.  Its  territory 
is  limited,  and  always  will  be  free  from  the  infectious  contact 
of  the  rest  of  mankind  ;  its  laws  and  usages  will  not  be  easily 
changed ;  the  uniformity  of  its  political  and  religious  ideas 
will  be  preserved  ;  and  in  a  word,  Chile  will  be  free. 

"  Peru,  on  the  contrary,  has  two  elements  which  are  thor- 
oughly inimical  to  any  kind  of  just  and  liberal  system  of 
government — gold  and  slaves.  The  former  corrupts  all  things  ; 
the  latter  is  itself  already  corrupted  and  rotten. 

"  From  all  the  above  stated  the  following  conclusions  can  be 
easily  reached.  First :  the  American  provinces  now  fighting 
for  independence  will  succeed  in  securing  it.  Second  :  some  of 
them  will  become  in  a  regular  way  federal  republics,  where 
centralization  will  prevail ;  but  monarchies  will  be  founded, 
almost  unavoidably,  in  those  whose  area  is  more  extensive. 
Third :  some  of  the  new  nations  will  be  unhappy  enough  to 
exhaust  in  revolutions  their  great  resources,  rendering  the 
establishment  of  a  great  monarchy  difficult,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  great  republic  impossible. 

"It  is  a  grand  idea  to  try  to  make  out  of  the  whole  New 
World  only  one  nation,  united  by  strong  bonds,  firmly  connect- 
ing all  its  sections  with  each  other  and  with  the  whole.  As  it 
has  the  same  origin,  the  same  language,  the  same  habits,  the 
same  religion,  it  might  have  the  same  government,  ruling  over 
the  different  confederated  states.  But  such  a  thing  is  an  im- 
possibility, because  remote  climates,  different  situations,  con- 
flicting interests,  dissimilar  characters,  divide  America.    How 


46  THK    UXITKI)   STATKS   AND    FOKEIUN    POWERS. 

beautiful  would  it  be  that  tbe  Isthmus  of  Panama  should 
become  for  us  what  the  Corinthian  Isthmus  was  for  the 
Greeks.  Would  to  God  that  some  clay  we  may  be  fortunate 
enough  to  establish  an  august  Congress  of  Representatives 
of  the  Republics,  Kingdoms,  and  Empires  of  America,  which 
will  deal  with  the  high  interests  of  peace  and  of  war  be- 
tween this  continent  and  the  other  three  parts  of  the  world. 
An  assembly  of  this  kind  may  possibly  be  held  at  some  future 
time,  and  mark  a  happy  stage  in  the  history  of  our  progress. 
All  other  expectations  are  unfounded." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

DIPLOMATIC   RELATIONS    WITH    THE    OTHER    AMERICAN    RE- 
PUBLICS. 

When  the  independence  of  the  Spanish  American  colonies 
was  established,  and  Bolivar  returned  to  Lima,  he  wrote  a 
proclamation  of  congratulation  to  his  soldiers:  "You  have 
given  freedom  to  South  America,  and  a  fourth  part  of  the 
world  is  the  monument  of  your  glory."  Almost  at  the  same 
time  and  with  the  same  pen  he  prepared  his  celebrated  circular 
of  December  7,  1824,  inviting  all  the  nations  of  America  to 
send  delegates  to  a  conference  at  Panama.  "  After  fifteen 
years  of  sacrifice,"  he  said,  "  devoted  to  the  liberty  of  America, 
to  secure  a  system  of  guaranties  that  in  peace  and  war  shall 
be  the  shield  of  our  new  destiny,  it  is  time  that  the  interest 
and  sympathy  uniting  the  American  republics  should  have  a 
fundamental  basis  that  shall  perpetuate,  if  possible,  their  gov- 
ernments." He  proposed  a  congress  of  plenipotentiaries  from 
each  state  "  that  shall  act  as  a  council  in  great  conflicts,  to  be 
appealed  to  in  case  of  common  danger,  be  a  faithful  interpreter 
of  public  treaties,  when  difficulties  shall  arise,  and  conciliate 
all  our  differences." 

The  first  nation  to  accept  was  Colombia,  then  Mexico, 
Chile,  and  the  others  in  order,  but  Bolivar  sent  no  invitation 
to  the  United  States.  He  foresaw  opposition  to  such  a  confer- 
ence from  the  slaveholding  element  in  this  country,  for  the 
principal  features  in  his  great  plan  of  future  operations  were 

47 


48 


I  hi:  united  states  and  FOREIGN  powers. 


the  liberatiou  of  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico  and  other  European  colo- 
nies, and  the  abolition  of  slavery  upon  American  soil.  But 
for  this   well-known   purpose  Bolivur  and  the   other  South 

American  patriots 
would  have  re- 
ceived more  sub- 
stantial assistance 
from  the  United 
States  in  their 
struggle  for  free- 
dom. Early  in  the 
revolution  he  had 
declared  himself  an 
abolitionist,  and 
was  one  in  practice 
as  well  as  in  theory. 
If  he  had  been  per- 
mitted to  remain  at 
the  head  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  Colom- 
bia, slavery  would 
have  been  abolished 
immediately  after  the  establishment  of  independence.  When 
the  new  republic  of  Peru  presented  him  with  a  million  dollars 
lor  his  services  in  its  behalf,  he  devoted  the  money  to  purchas- 
ing the  liberty  of  a  thousand  slaves,  and  in  a  famous  message 
to  the  Congress  of  Colombia  he  said  : 

"There  must  be  no  caste  on  this  continent.  There  is  no 
blood  less  noble  than  other  blood.  All  is  the  same  in  the  sight 
of  God.  All  are  heroes  who  enter  the  camps  of  the  battalions 
of  liberty,  and  all,  whether  white  or  black,  are  equally  entitled 
to  the  just  recompense  of  valor,  of  honor,  of  intelligence,  of 
sacrifice,  and  of  virtue." 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS — AMERICAN   REPUBLICS.  49 

These  sentiments  did  not  find  favor  on  the  northern  conti- 
nent, and  the  movements  of  Bolivar  were  regarded  with 
apprehension  by  the  public  men  of  the  southern  portion  of  the 
United  States.  But  the  governments  of  Mexico  and  Colombia 
asked  the  United  States  to  send  delegates  to  the  proposed  con- 
ference, and  in  a  message  to  Congress  on  the  6th  of  December, 
1825,  President  John  Quincy  Adams  announced  that  the  invi- 
tation had  been  accepted.  The  information  was  not  received 
with  approval.  On  the  26th  of  the  same  month,  Mr.  Adams 
transmitted  another  message  to  Congress  in  which  he  ex- 
plained at  length  the  purpose  of  the  conference,  and  asserted 
that  "  the  moral  influence  of  the  United  States  may  perhaps 
be  exerted  with  beneficial  consequences  at  such  a  meeting,  and 
a  decisive  inducement  with  me  for  according  to  the  measure, 
is  to  show  by  this  token  of  respect  to  the  southern  republics, 
the  interest  we  take  in  their  welfare,  and  our  disposition  to 
comply  with  their  wishes.  Having  been  the  first  to  recognize 
their  independence,  and  sympathize  with  them  so  far  as  was 
compatible  with  our  neutral  duties  in  all  their  struggles  and 
sufferings  to  acquire  it,  we  have  laid  the  foundation  of  our 
future  intercourse  with  them  in  the  broadest  principles  of 
reciprocity  and  the  most  cordial  feelings  of  fraternal  friend- 
ship. To  extend  those  principles  to  all  our  commercial 
relations  with  them,  and  to  hand  down  that  friendship  to 
future  ages,  is  congenial  to  the  highest  policy  of  this  Union,  as 
it  will  be  to  all  those  nations  and  their  posterity.  In  confi- 
dence that  these  sentiments  will  meet  the  approval  of  the 
Senate,  I  nominate  Kichard  C.  Anderson  of  Kentucky,  and 
John  Sergeant  of  Pennsylvania,  to  be  envoys  extraordinary 
and  ministers  plenipotentiary  to  the  assembly  of  American 
nations  at  Panama,  and  William  B.  Rochester  of  New  York  to 
be  secretary  to  the  mission." 

This  message  was  accompanied  by  a  long  and  able  letter 


50  THE    UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

from  Henry  Clay,  then  secretary  of  state,  setting  forth  what 
he  deemed  to  be  the  just  and  proper  policy  for  the  United 
States  to  pursue  toward  the  young  republics  which  had  been 
founded  upon  the  same  principles  and  were  actuated  by  the 
same  motives  that  had  caused  ours  to  exist.  This  communica- 
tion and  others  upon  the  same  subject,  which  preceded  and 
followed  it,  were  among  the  ablest  public  papers  from  the  pen 
of  Mr.  Clay.  He  had  been  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  ardent 
advocates  of  the  independence  of  the  Spanish  colonies  in 
America,  and  both  in  Congress  and  upon  the  platform  during 
their  entire  struggle  had  demanded,  with  his  well-known 
fervor  and  eloquence,  that  the  sympathy  of  the  people  and  the 
government  of  the  United  States  should  not  be  limited  to 
formal  words,  but  should  take  the  form  of  active  co-operation 
with  money,  and  arms,  and  men.  His  speeches  on  this  subject 
are  among  the  most  brilliant  examples  of  his  eloquence,  and  it 
was  largely  due  to  his  eloquence  that  this  government  was 
persuaded  to  recognize  the  belligerent  rights  of  the  Spanish 
colonists  during  the  war,  and  their  independence  as  nations 
when  their  victory  was  finally  achieved.  As  early  as  1818  he 
declared  himself  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  "  a  human 
freedom  league"  in  America,  in  which  all  the  people  "from 
Hudson's  Bay  to  Cape  Horn  should  be  united  for  defense 
against  the  crowned  despots  of  Europe."  He  declared  that 
through  the  power  of  example,  as  well  as  by  its  moral  influ- 
ence, the  United  States  should  take  an  active  part  in  pro- 
moting the  liberty  of  the  American  people,  "until  the 
American  hemisphere  should  become  a  haven  for  freedom 
and  for  the  lovers  of  freedom,  and  a  union  of  republics  would 
be  formed  upon  the  soil  that  was  wet  with  the  blood  of 
patriots"  ;  and  he  regarded  the  Congress  at  Panama  as  "the 
boundary  stone  of  a  new  epoch  in  the  world's  history." 
The  zeal  and  eloquence  of  Mr.  Clay  were  not  without  their 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS— AMERICAN  REPUBLICS. 


51 


effect  upon  the  cooler  temperament  of  President  Adams,  who 
in  subsequent  messages  to  Congress  continued  to  advocate  par- 
ticipation by  the  United  States  in  the  Panama  Congress.  He 
expressed  a  doubt  whether  "  such  a  favorable  opportunity  for 
subserving  the  benevolent  purposes  of  Divine  Providence" 
and  "dispensing  the  promised  blessings  of  the  Redeemer  of 
mankind"  would  ever  again  in  centuries  be  offered  to  this 
government. 

But  the  opposition  of  the  slaveholding  element  in  Congress 
and  the  Southern  States  was  equally  determined.  The  slave- 
holders saw  in  the  Congress  at  Panama  peril  to  their  "  peculiar 
institution,"  and  resisted  every  form  of  foreign  policy  that 
might  point  directly  or  indirectly  to  its  destruction.  In  the 
invitations  to  the  Congress  Hayti  had  been  mentioned,  and  it 
was  a  name  of  ominous  sound  to  the  slaveholding  aristocracy 
of  the  United  States.  The  story  of  the  successful  negro 
revolution  on  that  island  was  read  with  apprehension  through 
the    entire   South,    VIJJ,^..^^M^im,^Au ■ , u[[[ 


and,  as  Hayne,  the 
eloquent  orator  of 
South  Carolina  de- 
clared, "  furnished 
an  example  fatal 
to  our  repose." 
"Those  govern- 
ments," he  said,  al- 
luding to  the  South 
American  Repub- 
lics,    "  have     pro- 


claimed the  principles  of  liberty  and  equality,  and  have 
marched  to  victory  under  the  banner  of  universal  emanci- 
pation. You  find  men  of  color  at  the  head  of  their  armies, 
in  their  legislative  halls,  and  in  their  executive  departments." 


52  THE  UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

The  proslavery  party  had  a  majority  in  the  Senate  commit- 
tee  on  foreign  relations,  and  Mr.  Mason  of  Virginia,  the 
chairman,  made  a  report  dated  January  16,  1826,  recommend- 
ing that  the  Senate  disapprove  the  action  of  President  Adams 
in  accepting  the  invitation  to  participate  in  the  Panama 
Congress,  and  refuse  to  confirm  the  nominations  of  delegates 
he  had  selected. 

This  report  covers  about  thirty  printed  pages  of  the  usual 
size,  and  ends  by  recommending  the  passage  of  the  following 
resolution  : 

"Resolved,  That  it  is  not  expedient  at  this  time  for  the 
United  States  to  send  any  ministers  to  the  Congress  of  Ameri- 
can nations  assembled  at  Panama." 

The  committee  took  the  ground  that  the  measure  was  "  new 
and  untried  "  and  "in  conflict  with  the  whole  course  of  policy 
uniformly  and  happily  pursued  by  the  United  States  from 
almost  the  very  creation  of  this  government  to  the  present 
hour."  And  then,  after  discoursing  at  length  on  the  "unde- 
fined objects  of  this  Congress,  so  imperfectly  disclosed  in  the 
vague  descri ptions  given  of  them,"  disposes  of  the  subject  of 
slavery  and  slave  trade  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Some  of  the  sovereign  states  here  represented  (the  states  of 
the  Union)  were  the  first  in  the  world  to  proclaim  their  abhor- 
rence of  this  traffic  (the  slave  trade).  .  .  .  The  United 
States,  however,  have  not  certainly  the  right,  and  ought  never 
to  feel  the  inclination,  to  dictate  to  others  who  may  differ  from 
them  on  this  subject ;  nor  do  the  committee  see  the  expe- 
diency of  insulting  other  states,  with  whom  we  are  maintain- 
ing relations  of  perfect  amity,  by  ascending  the  moral  chair 
and  proclaiming  from  thence  mere  abstract  principles,  of  the 
rectitude  of  which  each  nation  enjoys  the  perfect  right  of 
deciding  for  itself." 

In  regard  to  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico,  the  report  said  :    "  The 


DIPLOMATIC   RELATIONS — AMERICAN   REPUBLICS.  53 

committee  are  well  aware  that  the  United  States  can  never 
regard  with  indifference  the  situation  and  probable  destiny  of 
the  neighboring  Spanish  islands  of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  ;  but 
so  far  from  believing  it  expedient  to  discuss  these  subjects  at  a 
Congress  of  all  the  American  states,  and  especially  at  this  time, 
the  committee  consider  the  great  probability  that  such  a  dis- 
cussion might  be  forced  upon  the  United  States  if  they  are 
there  represented,  furnishing  in  itself  the  strongest  objections 
to  the  adoption  of  the  measures  proposed.  .  .  .  The  very 
situation  of  Puerto  Rico  furnishes  the  strongest  inducement  to 
the  United  States  not  to  take  a  place  at  the  contemplated  Con- 
gress, since  by  so  doing  they  must  be  considered  as  changing 
the  attitude  in  which  they  have  hitherto  stood  as  impartial 
spectators  of  the  passing  scenes,  and  identifying  themselves 
with  the  new  republics." 

In  regard  to  the  promotion  of  commerce,  the  committee 
said:  "In  considering  these  reasons  (for  the  promotion  of 
trade  between  the  American  nations)  it  cannot  escape  the 
observation  of  any,  that  in  manifesting  a  disposition  to  estab- 
lish such  commercial  relations,  the  Southern  American  nations 
must  have  been  actuated  by  the  only  motive  that  ever  operates 
either  upon  nations  or  individuals  in  regard  to  their  mere  com- 
mercial intercourse, — a  desire  fairly  to  advance  their  own  inter- 
ests and  a  belief  that  they  could  by  such  means  properly  accom- 
plish that  end.  .  .  .  The  interests  of  commerce  are  necessarily 
peculiar  :  they  grow  out  of  numerous  circumstances  produced 
by  locality,  population,  manners,  times,  and  other  causes,  not 
one  of  which  exists  alike  in  any  two  nations  on  the  globe.  Few 
general  principles,  therefore,  can  ever  apply  with  equal  truth 
to  so  many  peculiarities,  and  such  as  do  apply  need  not  the 
sanction  of  solemn  compact  to  give  them  effect.  It  may  be 
very  safely  confided  to  the  natural  disposition  of  man,  promptly 
to  discover,  and  eagerly  to  advance,  his  own  best  interests." 


54 


THE  UNITED  STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 


li  must  be  said,  however,  that  the  plan  of  General  Bolivar 
was  received  with  greater  favor  in  England  than  in  the 
United  States.  This  was  due  largely  to  the  fact  that  her  com- 
mercial interests,  which  are 
always  most  influential  in 
the  foreign  policy  of  Great 
Britain,  were  then  endeav- 
oring to  secure  the  monop- 
oly of  the  markets  of  the 
Spanish  American  nations 
that  has  since  been  so 
firmly  held,  and,  although 
not  formally  invited  to  do 
so,  Great  Britain  sent  a 
delegate  to  the  Panama 
Congress,  to  witness  and 
report  upon  the  proceed- 
ings, if  not  to  participate  in 
them.  The  same  course  was  taken  by  the  government  of  the 
Netherlands. 

In  his  plan  for  the  Congress,  and  in  his  instructions  to  the 
delegates  from  Peru,  of  which  republic  he  was  then  president, 
General  Bolivar  defined  at  great  length  his  purpose  in  calling 
it  together  and  the  results  he  desired  it  to  accomplish.  He 
proposed  (1)  a  compact  of  union  for  defense  against  Spain,  and 
all  other  European  powers  upon  the  American  hemisphere. 
(2)  A  declaration  of  the  policy  to  be  pursued  by  the  American 
republics  in  their  relations  with  the  other  powers  of  the 
world,  "friendship  for  all  and  strict  neutrality."  (3)  The 
independence  of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  ;  and  "  if  the  Congress, 
sensible  to  the  true  interests  of  the  countries  represented  in  it, 
believes  it  advisable  to  free  those  islands,  you  should  enter  into 
a  treaty  setting  forth  in  detail  what  forces  of  land  and  sea  and 


CuzcO-*^k* 

Lake  f-^H 

r'ritiraca 

nOs  . 
yiaeffiV"5jf ,  < 

u;"7'l  v  ■■ 

'       'I  \<\ 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS — AMERICAN   REPUBLICS.  55 

what  sum  of  money  each  state  of  America  shall  contribute  for 
that  important  operation."  (4)  He  proposed  a  uniform  system 
of  treaties  of  friendship,  navigation,  and  commerce,  and 
defining  the  powers  and  prerogatives  of  diplomatic  and  con- 
sular offices.  (5)  "  Such  an  energetic  and  efficient  declaration 
as  that  made  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  in  regard 
to  further  European  colonization  on  this  continent,  and  in 
opposition  to  the  principles  of  intervention  in  our  domestic 
affairs."  (6)  A  plan  for  the  settlement  of  disputes  between  the 
American  nations.  (7)  Some  declaration  as  to  the  relations  to 
be  established  with  Hayti  and  Santo  Domingo,  "  which  have 
emancipated  themselves  from  their  mother  country,  but  have 
not  succeeded  in  obtaining  recognition  by  any  power,  whether 
European  or  American."  (8)  The  permanent  definition  of  the 
boundaries  between  the  new  American  republics.  (9)  The 
inauguration  of  "  such  measures  as  shall  be  deemed  most 
efficient  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade  in  America." 

There  were  several  other  items  of  lesser  importance  in  the 
great  scheme  of  Bolivar,  but  these  serve  to  show  his  purpose, 
and  the  object  for  which  the  conference  was  called.  But  the 
results  did  not  meet  his  expectations,  nor  did  the  action  of  the 
Congress  receive  his  approval .  The  proceedings  were  shortened 
and  the  adjournment  hastened  by  an  epidemic  of  yellow  fever 
which  broke  out  at  Panama,  and  one  of  the  delegates  from  the 
United  States  died  of  that  dreaded  disease  on  his  journey 
homeward.  The  delegates  to  the  conference  lacked  wisdom 
and  experience.  They  failed  to  appreciate  both  the  sublime 
purpose  which  had  inspired  Bolivar  in  planning  the  assembly, 
and  the  importance  of  the  work  in  which  they  were  engaged, 
and  nearly  all  of  them  having  recently  been  participants  in 
the  struggle  for  independence,  the  ruling  idea  in  their  minds 
was  to  form  an  alliance  for  mutual  and  united  resistance  to 
any  attempt  that  might  be  made  by  Spain  to  recover  her  lost 


56 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 


provinces  in  America.  They  agreed  upon  a  plan  for  a  league 
or  permanent  union  of  the  new  republics,  for  the  purpose  of 
defense  only,  but  it  was  cumbersome  and  complicated  in  its 
details.  This  league  they  proposed  to  have  represented  by  an 
international  assembly  to  meet  biennially.  They  also  pro- 
vided for  a  permanent  army  of  defense  to  which  each  republic 
should  contribute  its  quota  of  men,  and  which  should  be 
directed  and  controlled  by  a  central  organization,  subject  to 
the  approval  of  the  international  assembly. 

The  most  important  topics  the  Congress  was  called  to  con- 
sider were  deferred  to  another  meeting  which  was  appointed 
for  the  next  year  at  the  picturesque  town  of  Tacubaya,  three 
miles  from  the  city  of  Mexico.  But  that  meeting  never  took 
place,  nor  did  the  proposed  international  legislature  ever 
assemble.    Only  one  government,  that  of  Colombia,  ratified 

the  action  of  the 
Congress,  and  the 
plan  for  an  Ameri- 
can union  was  tem- 
porarily postponed. 
But  the  ideas  and 
the  motives  of  Bol- 
ivar were  immortal, 
and  the  failure  of 
the  Congress  at 
Panama  did  not 
cause  them  to  be 
abandoned.  Subse- 
quent efforts  in  the 
same  direction  were 
periodically  re- 
newed and  the 
movement  finally  culminated  in  the  International  American 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS — AMERICAN   REPUBLICS. 


57 


Conference  which  met  at  Washington  in  1889,  where  the  repre- 
sentatives of  eighteen  nations  met  to  consider  plans  for  the 
unification  of  their  interests,  and  to  promote  their  common 
welfare  and  prosperity. 

Five  years  after  the  return  of  the  plenipotentiaries  to  their 
homes  from  Panama,  the  government  of  Mexico  issued  invita- 
tions to  a  similar  conference  but  for  some  reason  it  was  not 
held.  Seven  years  later  in  1838,  Mexico  renewed  the  endeavor, 
with  a  view  to  "  the  union  and  close  alliance  of  the  American 
republics  for  the  purpose  of  defense  against  European  invasion, 
the  acceptance  of  the  friendly  mediation  of  the  neutral  states 
for  the  settlement  of  all  disagreements  and  disputes  of  what- 
ever nature  which  may  happen  to  arise  between  the  sister 
republics,    and   for 


the  framing  and 
promulgation  of  a 
code  of  public  laws 
to  regulate  their 
mutual  relations." 
The  invitations 
were  repeated  in 
1839  and  in  1840,  but 
without  effect. 

At  last,  in  1847 
five  of  the  South 
American  republics 
united  in  a  confer- 


^.Thomas 
-m.-ftMA*-"A     \\ 


ence  at  Lima,  at 
the  invitation  of  Peru,  but  the  United  States  being  at  war 
with  Mexico,  was  not  represented.  The  results  of  this  meet- 
ing were  a  treaty  of  confederation,  another  of  commerce  and 
navigation,  and  conventions  for  the  regulation  of  consular  and 
postal  affairs. 


58 


TIIK   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN    POWERS. 


In  1864  the  government  of  Peru  made  a  second  attempt  to 
bring  the  American  nations  together,  and  a  Congress  met  at 
Lima  on  the  14th  of  November,  the  birthday  of  Bolivar,  at 
which  Bolivia,  Chile,  Ecuador,  Colombia,  Guatemala,  Peru, 
Venezuela,  and  the  Argentine  Republic  were  represented.  The 
sessions  were  secret  and  short,  and  were  reported  to  have  been 
turbulent,  but  nothing  was  accomplished. 
In  1878,  also  at  the  invitation  of  Peru,  another  conference 

was  held  at  Lima, 
"  to  oppose  the  ag- 
gressions of  foreign 
force,  and  to  formu- 
late the  tables  of  the 
American  Deca- 
logue." Peru,  the 
Argentine  Repub- 
lic, Chile,  Bolivia, 
Ecuador,  Venezu- 
ela, and  Costa  Rica 
were  represented, 
and  also  Cuba, 
whose  indepen- 
dence had  been  rec- 
ognized by  some  of 
the  South  Ameri- 
can republics.  The 
results  of  the  con- 
ference were  treat- 
ies  of  international 
law  and  extradition  which  were  afterwards  ratified  by  Guate- 
mala and  Uruguay. 

In  1880  the  government  of  Colombia  issued  invitations  to  a 
conference  at  Panama,  the  chief  object  of  which  was  to  secure 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS— AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  59 

the  adoption  of  some  mode  of  arbitration  to  settle  international 
differences ;  but  the  war  in  which  Chile,  Peru,  and  Bolivia 
were  then  engaged  caused  an  indefinite  postponement. 

In  the  following  year,  however,  the  government  of  the 
United  States  issued  similar  invitations  for  a  similar  confer- 
ence, to  meet  at  Washington  on  the  24th  of  November,  1882, 
"  for  the  purpose  of  considering  and  discussing  methods  of 
preventing  war  between  the  nations  of  America."  "The 
President,"  said  the  secretary  of  state  in  his  invitation, 
"desires  that  the  attention  of  the  congress  shall  be  strictly 
confined  to  this  one  great  object ;  that  its  sole  aim  shall  be  to 
seek  a  way  of  permanently  averting  the  horrors  of  cruel  and 
bloody  combat  between  countries,  often  of  one  blood  and 
speech,  or  the  even  worse  calamity  of  internal  commotion  and 
civil  strife  ;  that  it  shall  regard  the  burdensome  and  far- 
reaching  consequences  of  such  struggles,  the  legacies  of 
exhausted  finances,  of  oppressive  debt,  of  onerous  taxation,  of 
ruined  cities,  of  paralyzed  industries,  of  devastated  fields,  of 
ruthless  conscription,  of  the  slaughter  of  men,  of  the  grief  of 
the  widow  and  the  orphan,  of  embittered  resentments,  that 
long  survive  those  who  provoked  them  and  heavily  afflict  the 
innocent  generations  that  come  after. 

"  The  President  is  especially  desirous  to  have  it  understood 
that  in  putting  forth  this  invitation  the  United  States  does  not 
assume  the  position  of  counseling,  or  attempting,  through  the 
voice  of  the  congress,  to  counsel  any  determinate  solution  of 
existing  questions  which  may  now  divide  any  of  the  countries 
of  America.  Such  questions  cannot  properly  come  before  the 
congress.  Its  mission  is  higher.  It  is  to  provide  for  the 
interests  of  all  in  the  future,  not  to  settle  the  individual  differ- 
ences of  the  present.  For  this  reason  especially  the  President 
has  indicated  a  day  for  the  assembling  of  the  congress  so  far 
in  the  future  as  to  leave  good  ground  for  hope  that  by  the  time 


60 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 


named  the  present  situation  on  the  South  Pacific  coast  will  be 
happily  terminated,  and  thai  those  engaged  in  the  contest  may 
take  peaceable  part  in  the  discussion  and  solution  of  the 
general  question  affecting  in  an  equal  degree  the  well-being 
of  all. 
"  It  seems  also  desirable  to  disclaim  in  advance  any  purpose 

on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  to 
prejudge  the  issues 
to  be  presented  to 
the  congress.  It  is 
far  from  the  intent 
of  this  government 
to  appear  before  the 
congress  as  in  any 
sense  the  protector 
of  its  neighbors  or 
the  predestined  and 
necessary  arbitrator 
of  their  disputes. 
The  United  States 
will  enter  into  the 
deliberations  of  the 
congress  on  the 
same  footing  as  the 
other  powers  repre- 
sented,   and    with 


Buhla 


the  loyal  determination  to  approach  any  projDosed  solution, 
not  merely  in  its  own  interest  or  with  a  view  to  asserting  its 
own  power,  but  as  a  single  member  among  many  co-ordinate 
and  co-equal  states.  So  far  as  the  influence  of  this  government 
may  be  potential  it  will  be  exerted  in  the  direction  of  concili- 
ating whatever  conflicting  interests  of  blood  or  government 


DIPLOMATIC  KELATIONS — AMERICAN   REPUBLICS.  61 

or  historical  tradition  may  necessarily  come  together  in  re- 
sponse to  a  call  embracing  such  vast  and  diverse  elements." 

Venezuela,  Guatemala,  Brazil,  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  Hondu- 
ras, Bolivia,  Ecuador,  and  Mexico  accepted,  but  in  August, 
1882,  the  invitations  were  withdrawn  by  Mr.  Frelinghuysen, 
who  had  succeeded  Mr.  Blaine  as  secretary  of  state  upon 
the  death  of  General  Garfield  and  the  accession  of  Mr.  Arthur 
to  the  presidency.  The  motive  for  the  abandonment  of  the 
plan  has  been  the  subject  of  much  controversy.  The  reason 
given  in  the  circular  issued  by  the  secretary  of  state,  was  that 
"the  peaceful  condition  of  the  South  American  republics, 
which  was  contemplated  as  essential  to  a  profitable  and  har- 
monious assembling  of  the  congress  does  not  exist," — Chile, 
Bolivia,  and  Peru  being  still  engaged  in  war, — but  the  actual 
cause  for  the  wichdrawal  of  the  invitation  was  the  failure 
of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  make  the  necessary 
appropriations  for  the  expenses  of  the  conference,  and  to 
grant  authority  for  the  appointment  of  delegates  to  represent 
this  country. 

President  Arthur  at  no  time  desired  or  intended  to  prevent 
the  consummation  of  the  plan,  which  for  sixty  years  had  been 
discussed  with  so  much  favor  among  the  American  republics, 
but  at  once  took  measures  to  carry  it  into  effect  upon  a  scope 
much  more  comprehensive  than  had  previously  been  proposed. 
He  awaited  the  termination  of  the  war  upon  the  west  coast 
of  South  America,  and  then  introduced  into  the  original  plan 
of  Bolivar  a  commercial  feature  which  was  very  gratifying 
to  the  merchants  and  manufacturers  of  the  United  States  who 
were  beginning  to  feel  the  necessity  of  more  extended  and 
profitable  markets  for  the  disposition  of  the  surplus  products 
of  the  farms,  the  mines,  the  forests,  and  the  factories  of  this 
country.  Upon  his  recommendation,  Congress  authorized  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  to  visit  the  other  American 


62  THE  UNITED  STATES    AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

republics  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  their  governments 
as  to  the  propriety  of  again  calling  together  such  a  conference 
as  had  been  so  often  proposed,  and  also  as  to  the  topics  that 
should  be  considered  by  it.  This  commission  consisted  of 
George  H.  Sharpe  of  New  York,  Thomas  C.  Reynolds  of 
Missouri,  and  Solon  O.  Thacher  of  Kansas,  with  William  E. 
Curtis  of  Illinois  as  secretary.  Afterwards,  upon  the  resigna- 
tion of  Mr.  Sharpe,  Mr.  Curtis  was  appointed  a  member  of  the 
commission. 

Having  visited  each  of  the  republics  and  the  empire  of 
Brazil  in  order,  the  commission  made  its  report ;  recommend- 
ing the  assemblage  of  a  conference,  and  enumerating  the 
topics  which  it  should  be  called  to  consider.  Bills  were  intro- 
duced into  both  Houses  of  Congress  to  carry  out  these  recom- 
mendations, and  finally  a  law  was  passed  authorizing  the 
President  to  issue  invitations,  and  providing  for  the  expenses 
of  the  gathering. 

The  conference  met  at  Washington  upon  the  2nd  of  October, 
1889,  every  independent  nation  in  America  being  represented 
except  Santo  Domingo  ;  and  afterwards,  by  special  resolution 
of  Congress  the  Hawaiian  Kingdom  was  asked  to  participate. 
The  government  of  Spain  informally  suggested  that  her 
American  colonies,  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico,  would  accept  in- 
vitations, but  none  were  extended. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  elected  president,  Mr.  Romero  of  Mexico 
and  Mr.  Zegarra  of  Peru,  vice  presidents,  William  E.  Curtis, 
executive  officer,  and  Remsen  Whitehouse,  Fidele  E.  Pierra, 
and  Jos6  Ignacio  Rodriguez,  secretaries  ;  and  the  delegates 
from  the  United  States  were  Messrs.  John  B.  Henderson  of 
Missouri,  Cornelius  N.  Bliss  of  New  York,  Clement  Stude- 
baker  of  Indiana,  T.  Jefferson  Coolidge  of  Massachusetts, 
William  Henry  Trescot  of  South  Carolina,  Andrew  Carnegie 
of  Pennsylvania,  Morris  M.  Estee   of  California,  John   F. 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS— AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  63 

Hanson  of  Georgia,  Henry  G.  Davis  of  West  Virginia,  and 
Charles  E.  Flint  of  New  York. 

Immediately  after  the  organization  of  the  conference  the 
foreign  delegates,  with  their  secretaries  and  attaches,  to  the 
number  of  78,  were  conducted  on  a  special  train  of  Pullman 
cars  through  the  country,  and  visited  most  of  the  principal 
educational,  commercial,  and  manufacturing  cities,  where 
they  were  received  with  great  attention  and  hospitality.  The 
objects  of  this  excursion  were :  (1)  to  give  the  visiting  dele- 
gates, who  included  the  leading  men  of  the  nations  of 
America,  an  opportunity  to  study  the  institutions  of  the 
United  States  and  witness  the  magnitude  and  the  prosperity 
of  our  industrial  and  commercial  interests ;  (2)  to  enable  them 
by  familiar  contact  to  become  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
each  other  before  proceeding  to  the  serious  duties  they  had 
to  perform ;  and  (3)  finally  to  awaken  among  the  people  of 
the  United  States  an  interest  in  the  purpose  of  the  conference 
and  the  objects  it  was  desired  to  accomplish. 

The  sessions  were  resumed  on  the  18th  of  November,  and 
continued  until  the  21st  of  April.  The  conference  was  only  a 
deliberative  body.  It  was  authorized  to  discuss  and  recom- 
mend propositions  for  the  subsequent  ratification  of  the 
governments  represented  ;  and  its  conclusions  took  the  form 
of  a  series  of  reports  which  embodied  the  views  of  the  dele- 
gates— and  in  almost  every  case  with  unanimity — as  to  the 
best  measures  to  promote  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
American  republics.  These  reports,  which  were  able  and 
voluminous,  recommended : 

1.  The  adoption  of  a  plan  of  arbitration  for  the  settlement 
of  international  differences,  which  was  also  earnestly  recom- 
mended to  the  powers  of  Europe. 

2.  The  denial  of  the  right  of  conquest. 

3.  The  adoption  of  a  code  of  international  law  for  the  pro- 


64  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN    POWERS. 

tection  of  the  rights  of  citizens  of  one  country  residing  in 
another. 

4.  The  adoption  of  rules  of  procedure  for  the  adjudication  of 
claims  of  citizens  of  one  country  against  the  government  of 
another,  and  to  regulate  diplomatic  intervention. 

5.  The  negotiations  of  treaties  for  the  free  navigation  of  all 
rivers  on  the  American  hemisphere. 

6.  The  adoption  of  a  uniform  system  of  weights  and  meas- 
ures throughout  America. 

7.  The  adoption  of  a  uniform  standard  of  value,  and  a 
common  silver  coin. 

8.  The  establishment  of  an  international  banking  system  sim- 
ilar to  the  national  banking  organization  of  the  United  States. 

9.  The  negotiation  of  treaties  for  the  protection  of  patents 
and  trademarks. 

10.  The  negotiation  of  a  uniform  sj^stem  of  treaties  for  the 
extradition  of  criminals. 

11.  The  survey  of  a  route  for  an  intercontinental  railway  to 
connect  the  roads  of  the  United  States  with  those  of  Chile 
and  the  Argentine  Republic. 

12.  The  negotiation  of  reciprocity  treaties  for  the  free  inter- 
change of  the  products  of  the  American  nations  so  far  as  is 
consistent  with  the  raising  of  revenues  for  the  support  of  their 
governments. 

13.  The  establishment  of  more  frequent  lines  of  communi- 
cation by  steamship  and  telegraphy  under  governmental  sub- 
sidies. 

14.  The  preparation  and  publication  of  a  uniform  code  of 
nomenclature  to  define  articles  of  merchandise  exported  and 
imported. 

15.  The  adoption  of  a  uniform  system  for  the  classification 
and  appraisement  of  merchandise  imported. 

16.  The  adoption  of  uniform  consular  fees  and  regulations. 


DIPLOMATIC   RELATIONS — AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.  65 

'  17.  The  adoption  of  uniform  harbor  fees  and  regulations. 

18.  The  adoption  of  uniform  sanitary  regulations  to  prevent 
the  spread  of  contagious  diseases. 

19.  The  establishment  of  a  Bureau  of  Information  for  the 
dissemination  of  intelligence  of  a  useful  character  concerning 
the  resources,  progress,  and  commerce  of  the  American  re- 
publics. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  RESULTS  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL,   AMERICAN   CON- 
FERENCE. 

The  International  American  Conference  recommended  the 
adoption  of  a  uniform  standard  of  value  by  the  republics  of 
this  hemisphere,  and  the  issue  of  common  coins  which  should 
be  coined  by  each  to  an  amount  proportionate  to  its  popula- 
tion; to  be  of  uniform  design  and  of  uniform  weight  and 
fineness  ;  and  to  be  legal  tender  in  commercial  transactions  be- 
tween the  citizens  of  all ;  but,  owing  to  the  failure  of  the  dele- 
gates from  the  United  States  to  agree  upon  the  weight  and 
fineness  of  the  coins  and  their  relative  value  to  gold,  the  de- 
tails of  the  arrangement  were  deferred  to  the  consideration  of 
another  conference  to  be  held  within  one  year  at  Washington. 

In  accordance  with  these  recommendations,  what  is  known 
as  the  International  Monetary  Conference  was  held  at  Wash- 
ington in  February,  1891.  Nearly  every  one  of  the  American 
republics  was  represented,  but,  after  a  protracted  session,  the 
assemblage  was  compelled  to  adjourn  without  accomplishing 
anything  more  than  the  passage  of  a  series  of  resolutions 
acknowledging  the  usefulness,  and  commending  the  adoption, 
of  a  common  standard  of  value  and  a  uniform  system  of 
coinage.  The  reason  for  the  failure  of  this  Conference  was  the 
inability  of  the  delegates  from  the  United  States  to  agree  upon 
what  is  known  as  the  "silver  question."  All  of  the  other 
American  nations  urged  the  issue  of  an  international  coin  of  a 

66 


RESULTS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONFERENCE.  67 

value  similar  to  that  of  the  standard  silver  dollar  of  the 
United  States,  but  to  this  the  delegates  from  this  government 
would  not  agree,  and  the  subject  after  much  discussion  was 
postponed,  as  one  of  the  foreign  delegates  observed,  "until  the 
United  States  had  determined  upon  a  silver  policy." 

The  International  Conference  also  recommended  the  survey 
of  a  route  for  an  intercontinental  railway,  under  the  direction 
of  a  commission  representing  the  several  governments  through 
whose  territory  it  would  pass.  According  to  the  recommen- 
dations of  the  Conference,  which  were  ratified  by  all  the 
American  republics,  the  route  of  this  proposed  railway  shall 
be  always  regarded  as  neutral  ground ;  the  property  shall 
be  always  exempt  from  taxation  ;  and  all  material  for  its  con- 
struction and  maintenance  shall  be  admitted  free  of  duty. 

Commissioners  were  appointed  by  each  of  the  republics,  who 
met  at  Washington  in  January,  1891,  and  organized  by  the 
election  of  Mr.  Alexander  J.  Cassatt  of  Pennsylvania  as 
president,  and  by  the  appointment  of  the  necessary  com- 
mittees. A  chief  engineer,  W.  F.  Shunk  of  Pennsylvania, 
was  selected,  and  under  his  direction  three  parties  of  sur- 
veyors were  sent  into  the  field.  One  party  commenced  work 
at  the  termination  of  the  surveys  already  made  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Mexico  at  the  Guatemala  boundary  (see  map,  page  57), 
and  proceeded  southward  toward  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  A 
second  party  began  at  Quito  (see  map,  page  48)  and  sought 
a  route  northward  through  Ecuador  and  Colombia,  while  a 
third  started  southward  from  Quito  toward  Peru  and  Bolivia. 

The  reports  of  the  surveys,  handsomely  illustrated  with 
maps  and  views,  were  published  in  1898,  in  seven  octavo  vol- 
umes, and  present  a  description  of  the  countries  through 
which  the  proposed  line  will  pass,  with  rough  estimates  of  the 
cost  of  construction.  It  was  not  intended  to  make  more  than 
a  preliminary  reconnoissance  of  the  route,  so  as  to  determine 


68  TIIK   UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

its  practicability  and  its  approximate  length  and  cost,  leaving 
eacb  of  the  other  American  nations  to  complete  the  work,  or 
authorize  private  enterprise  to  do  so. 

It  was  determined  that  the  total  length  of  a  trunk  line  be- 
tween New  York  and  Buenos  Aires  would  be  10,221  miles,  of 
which  4,709  miles  already  in  operation  can  be  utilized,  leaving 
5,402  miles  to  be  constructed,  which  it  is  estimated  will  cost 
§175,000,000,  or  about  an  average  of  $32,000  a  mile. 

The  cost  of  the  survey  lias  been  jointly  paid  by  the  United 
States,  Brazil,  Colombia,  Guatemala,  Chile,  Ecuador,  Costa 
Rica,  and  Bolivia,  according  to  their  population.  It  is  not 
expected  that  any  government  will  undertake  the  construc- 
tion of  this  line;  but  the  object  of  the  survey  was  to  en- 
courage each  of  the  nations  through  which  the  interconti- 
nental trunk  line  is  to  pass  to  assist  private  enterprise  by  de- 
monstrating that  the  project  is  practicable. 

It  is  the  universal  opinion  that  the  construction  of  this  rail- 
way will  aid  in  the  development  of  the  natural  resources  of  the 
countries  of  the  southern  continent  to  a  greater  degree  than 
any  other  means  that  can  be  adopted;  and  that  it  will  have 
the  same  effect  upon  the  southern  continent,  with  its  vast 
mineral  and  agricultural  wealth,  that  the  building  of  the  trans- 
continental railways  has  had  upon  the  United  States. 

The  Bureau  of  Information  recommended  by  the  Inter- 
national Conference  was  established  in  November,  1S91,  and 
has  proved  to  be  a  very  useful  agency  in  promoting  the  social 
and  commercial  relations  of  the  American  republics  and 
colonies.  The  institution  is  known  as  the  Bureau  of  the 
American  Republics  and  it  is  supported  by  contributions  from 
the  several  countries  participating  in  its  advantages,  assessed 
annually  upon  each  in  proportion  to  their  respective  popula- 
tions. The  purpose  of  the  Bureau  is  to  publish  regular  bulle- 
tins containing  intelligence  concerning  the  resources,  products, 


RESULTS  OF  THE  AMERICAN   CONFERENCE.  69 

industries,  crops,  commerce,  laws,  customs  tariffs  and  regula- 
tions, and  such  other  information  as  may  be  of  educational 
and  commercial  value.  It  is  its  duty  also  to  answer  specific 
inquiries  upon  these  and  other  subjects  and  to  serve  as  a 
medium  of  communication  for  merchants  and  manufacturers 
who  desire  a  knowledge  of  commercial  opportunities  and 
facilities  for  trade  between  the  United  States  and  the  other 
countries  of  the  American  hemisphere. 

The  Bureau  prepares  and  publishes  annually  in  the  English 
and  Spanish  languages  a  general  handbook  to  the  American 
republics  ;  and  is  issuing  a  series  of  special  handbooks  to  each 
of  the  countries  south  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Rio 
Grande.  It  has  also  issued  a  series  of  Commercial  Directories, 
containing  classified  lists  of  merchants  in  the  southern  coun- 
tries for  the  use  of  merchants  and  manufacturers  in  the 
United  States  in  sending  out  catalogues  and  circulars ;  and 
a  series  of  bulletins  containing  the  customs  tariffs  and  regula- 
tions of  the  several  nations  and  colonies,  and  other  bulletins 
containing  codifications  of  their  laws  relating  to  patents, 
copyrights,  trademarks,  public  lands,  mines  and  mining,  rail- 
way concessions,  and  other  subjects  of  interest  to  persons 
engaged  in  commerce  or  desirous  of  making  investments  in 
the  Latin- American  countries. 

The  Bureau  also  prepares  and  furnishes  daily  to  the  news- 
papers and  press  agencies  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  America 
articles  containing  information  of  general  and  current  interest, 
which  reach  the  readers  of  some  fifteen  thousand  periodicals. 
The  purpose  in  general  is  to  awaken  and  promote  an  interest 
in  the  affairs  of  the  other  American  republics,  concerning 
which  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  hitherto  had  little 
knowledge. 

What  is  known  as  the  "reciprocity  policy"  was  inaugurated 
by  President  Arthur   in  1SS2.     There  had  been  reciprocity 


70  THE    UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

treaties  between  the  United  States  and  Canada,  and  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  previous  to  this  time,  but  the  present  move- 
ment to  extend  the  export  trade  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Latin-American  republics  and  colonies  began  at  that  time. 
Railway  communication  having  been  opened  with  Mexico,  it 
was  believed  that  the  geographical  and  political  relations 
between  the  two  countries,  as  well  as  their  commercial  wel- 
fare, justified  mutual  concessions  in  customs  duties.  There- 
fore General  Ulysses  S.  Grant  and  Mr.  William  Henry 
Trescot,  representing  the  United  States,  and  Mr.  Matias 
Romero  and  Mr.  Estanislao  Cahedo,  representing  the  republic 
of  Mexico,  negotiated  a  treaty  under  which  certain  merchan- 
dise from  this  country  was  to  be  admitted  into  Mexico  free  of 
duties,  and  certain  products  from  that  country  were  to  be 
admitted  free  into  the  United  States.  The  ratifications  were 
exchanged  on  the  20th  of  May,  1884,  and  formal  proclamation 
of  that  fact  was  made  on  the  2d  of  June  following.  But 
although  the  limit  of  time  was  twice  extended  by  diplomatic 
negotiation,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  failed  to  enact 
the  legislation  necessary  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  the  treaty 
fell  valueless  on  the  20th  of  May,  1887. 

In  1884  Mr.  John  W.  Foster,  then  minister  to  Spain, 
negotiated  a  similar  treaty  with  that  government,  acting  in 
behalf  of  its  American  colonies,  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico.  A 
third  treaty  was  negotiated  by  Mr.  Frelinghuysen,  then  secre- 
tary of  state,  with  Mr.  Manuel  J.  Galvan,  a  plenipotentiary 
appointed  for  that  purpose  by  the  government  of  Santo  Do- 
mingo. Beth  of  these  treaties  faiied  to  receive  the  sanction  of 
the  Senate  cf  the  United  States. 

During  the  same  year,  as  has  been  related,  the  South  Ameri- 
can Commission  visited  the  several  Latin-American  republics, 
and  in  addition  to  its  other  duties  it  was  instructed  to  initiate 
treaties   with   their   governments   similar   to   those  already 


RESULTS  OF  THE  AMERICAN   CONFERENCE.  71 

arranged  with  Mexico  and  Spain.  With  a  single  exception 
the  governments  visited  expressed  not  only  a  willingness  but  a 
desire  to  enter  into  reciprocal  commercial  arrangements  with 
the  United  States,  and  in  several  cases  a  preliminary  under- 
standing was  reached. 

Congress,  in  the  act  authorizing  the  meeting  of  the  Inter- 
national Conference,  designated  as  one  of  the  topics  for  conser- 
vation "measures  toward  the  formation  of  an  American 
customs  union,  under  which  the  trade  of  the  American 
nations  with  each  other  shall,  so  far  as  possible  and  profitable, 
be  promoted." 

The  Conference,  having  met,  referred  this  proposition  to  a 
committee,  which,  after  due  consideration,  reported  that  the 
systems  of  taxation  and  the  condition  of  the  public  revenues 
of  the  Latin- American  republics  made  such  a  customs  union 
as  had  been  proposed — that  is  a  free  interchange  of  merchan- 
dise— impracticable ;  but  recommended  the  negotiation  of 
commercial  treaties  embracing  mutual  tariff  concessions,  so 
far  as  could  be  done  without  impairing  the  revenues  neces- 
sary to  sustain  their  several  governments. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  1890,  the  secretary  of  state  handed  this 
report  and  recommendation  to  the  President  with  a  letter  in 
which  he  said  : 

"  Fifteen  of  the  seventeen  republics  with  which  we  have 
been  in  conference  have  indicated,  by  the  votes  of  their  repre- 
sentatives in  the  International  American  Conference  and  by 
other  methods  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  define,  their  desire 
to  enter  upon  reciprocal  commercial  relations  with  the  United 
States ;  the  remaining  two  express  equal  willingness,  could 
they  be  assured  that  their  advances  would  be  favorably  con- 
sidered." 

The  last  clause  of  this  paragraph  refers  to  Chile  and  the 
Argentine  Republic,   whose  chief  export  is  wool,  and  they 


7-  THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

would  enter  into  reciprocity  treaties  with  the  United  States 
only  upon  condition  that  wools  of  the  coarser  grades  should  be 
admitted  free  into  the  United  States  or  at  a  rate  of  duty  con- 
siderably  below  the  present  tariff  on  tbat  article. 

"To  escape  tbe  delay  and  uncertainty  of  treaties,"  the 
secretary  suggested  "  an  amendment  to  the  pending  tarifF  bill 
authorizing  the  President  to  declare  the  ports  of  the  United 
States  free  to  all  the  products  of  any  nation  of  the  American 
hemisphere  upon  which  no  export  duties  are  imposed,  when- 
ever and  so  long  as  such  nation  sball  admit  to  its  ports  free  of 
all  national,  provincial  (state),  municipal,  and  other  taxes,  our 
flour,  corn  meal,  and  other  breadstuffs,  preserved  meats,  fish, 
vegetables  and  fruits,  cotton-seed  oil,  rice,  and  other  provisions, 
including  all  articles  of  food,  lumber,  furniture  and  other 
articles  of  wood,  agricultural  implements  and  machinery, 
mining  and  mechanical  machinery,  structural  steel  and  iron, 
steel  rails,  locomotives,  railway  cars  and  supplies,  street  cars, 
and  refined  petroleum.  I  mention  these  particular  articles, 
because  they  have  been  most  frequently  referred  to  as  those 
with  which  a  valuable  exchange  could  be  readily  effected. 
The  list  could  no  doubt  ba  profitably  enlarged  by  a  careful 
investigation  of  the  needs  and  advantages  of  both  the  home 
and  foreign  markets. 

"  The  opinion  was  general  among  the  foreign  delegates  that 
the  legislation  herein  referred  to  would  lead  to  the  opening  of 
new  and  profitable  markets  for  the  products  of  which  we  have 
so  large  a  surplus,  and  thus  invigorate  every  branch  of  agricul- 
tural and  mechanical  industry." 

In  conclusion  the  secretary  of  state  observed,  "Of  course  the 
exchange  involved  in  these  propositions  would  be  rendered 
impossible  if  Congress,  in  its  wisdom,  should  repeal  the  duty 
on  sugar  by  direct  legislation,  instead  of  allowing  the  same 
object  to  be  attained  by  the  reciprocal  arrangement  suggested." 


RESULTS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONFERENCE.  73 

The  suggestions  contained  in  the  letter  of  the  secretary  of 
state  were  not  entirely  new  to  Congress,  having  been  offered  to 
the  committee  on  ways  and  means  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives several  months  previous.  The  foreign  delegates  to  the 
International  American  Conference  had  been  observing  with 
the  greatest  solicitude  the  progress  of  that  committee  in  the 
preparation  of  what  is  popularly  known  as  the  "McKinley 
tariff  bill."  The  voluminous  and  conflicting  reports  in  the 
newspapers  of  what  had  been,  or  would  be  done  with  the 
tariff  schedules  in  which  were  included  the  staple  products 
and  chief  exports  of  the  countries  from  which  they  came, 
afforded  a  topic  of  daily  conversation  more  interesting  and 
important  than  the  questions  under  consideration  in  their  own 
councils. 

A  protracted  discussion  in  Congress  finally  resulted  in  what 
is  known  as  the  "  reciprocity  section  "  of  the  tariff  bill,  by 
which,  although  sugar,  coffee,  tea,  and  hides  were  included  in 
the  free  list,  the  President  was  required  after  January  1,  1892, 
to  impose  a  tax  on  those  commodities  when  imported  from 
countries  whose  tariff  regulations  "were  reciprocally  unequal 
and  unreasonable  "  ;  or  in  other  words,  the  United  States  pro- 
posed to  favor  those  nations  and  those  only  that  would  grant 
something  like  equivalent  favors  in  return. 

Immediately  upon  the  passage  of  this  measure,  diplomatic 
negotiations  that  had  been  interrupted  by  the  tariff  agitation 
in  Congress  were  resumed.  It  may  be  said  that  such  negotia- 
tions with  special  plenipotentiaries  from  the  emperor  of  Brazil 
had  been  commenced  as  early  as  August,  1889,  and  that  upon 
the  establishment  of  the  republic,  they  were  immediately 
renewed.  It  was  not  so  long,  therefore,  before  an  arrangement 
was  concluded  under  which  the  Brazilian  government  author- 
ized the  admission  into  its  ports,  free  of  all  duties,  of  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  farms  and  mines  of  the  United  States,  all  forms  of 


74  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

machinery  and  railway  supplies,  agricultural  implements, 
labor-saving  machinery,  and  a  considerable  number  of  other 
articles,  and  the  admission  of  a  long  list  of  other  manufactured 
articles  including  wearing  apparel,  hardware,  preserved  meats, 
fruits  and  vegetables,  lard,  dairy  products,  lumber,  furniture, 
wagons  and  carriages,  at  a  rate  of  duty  twenty-five  per  cent 
less  than  was  imposed  upon  similar  merchandise  imported 
from  other  countries. 

During  the  following  months  similar  arrangements  were 
entered  into  by  Mr.  John  W.  Foster,  representing  the  United 
States,  with  the  government  of  Spain,  representing  her  Ameri- 
can colonies,  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico,  and  the  ministers  pleni- 
potentiary of  Mexico,  Guatemala,  Salvador,  Nicaragua,  Costa 
Rica,  Colombia,  Ecuador  and  Peru,  and  with  the  British  min- 
ister representing  the  British  colonies  of  Jamaica,  Trinidad, 
British  Guiana,  Barbadoes,  the  Leeward  Islands,  and  the 
Windward  Islands. 

All  of  these  arrangements  were  revoked  by  a  clause  in  what 
was  familiarly  known  as  the  Wilson  tariff  law,  which  was 
enacted  by  the  Democrats  in  Congress  during  the  session  of 
1894.  They  remained  in  force  too  short  a  time  to  demonstrate 
the  value  of  the  "reciprocity  "  policy,  and  the  whole  question 
is  so  closely  connected  with  current  partisan  politics  that  it  can- 
not appropriately  be  discussed  in  a  book  of  this  character.  It  is 
safe  to  say  that  the  people  as  a  whole  heartily  desire  closer  re- 
lations with  the  republics  of  South  America,  and  unqualify- 
ing ly  approve  many  of  the  plans  that  have  been  carried  out. 
All  favor  "reciprocity  "  in  so  far  as  it  means  an  increased  de- 
mand for  American  products  and  manufactures.  Those  who 
have  been  the  means  of  putting  reciprocity  to  the  test  are  con- 
fident of  its  great  success,  and  already  point  to  statistics  in 
support  of  their  position.  Certain  it  is  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  are  interested  in  the  southern  continent  as  never 


RESULTS  OF  THE   AMERICAN  CONFERENCE.  75 

before.  The  political  opponents  of  those  who  advocate  the 
present  "reciprocity  policy,"  acknowledge  the  soundness  of 
the  general  theory  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  maintain  that  if  a 
lowering  or  abolition  of  the  tariff  in  the  cases  of  certain 
countries  is  beneficial,  the  extension  of  reciprocal  relations  to 
all  nations  without  distinction  would  be  still  better.  The 
experience  of  the  future  must  be  the  arbitrator  in  this  as  in 
many  other  questions. 

In  what  is  known  as  the  Dingley  tariff  law  passed  by  Con- 
gress in  1897-8  there  was  a  clause  authorizing  the  negotiation 
of  reciprocity  arrangements  upon  a  limited  basis  of  twenty  per 
cent,  reduction  from  the  duties  fixed  by  that  law,  and  at  this 
writing  Mr.  John  A.  Kasson  is  engaged  as  a  commissioner  in 
conducting  negotiations  with  several  foreign  governments. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

GENERAL  RELATIONS  WITH   THE   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS. 

The  independence  of  the  Spanish  American  colonies  was  not 
recognized  by  the  United  States  until  1822.  As  early  as  1816 
agents  from  Venezuela,  Chile,  Colombia,  and  the  La  Plata 
Provinces— now  known  as  the  Argentine  Republic— arrived  in 
this  country,  seeking  the  recognition  of  the  several  revolution- 
ary organizations  they  represented,  but  their  credentials  were 
irregular  and  the  President  declined  to  receive  them  officially. 
Distrustful  of  the  representations  of  these  agents,  but  at  tbe 
same  time  desirous  of  giving  all  lawful  encouragement  to  the 
colonies  that  were  struggling  to  attain  their  independence,  the 
government  sent  a  commission  to  inquire  into  their  condition 
and  to  report  upon  the  propriety  of  acknowledging  the  belliger- 
ent rights  of  the  revolutionary  parties.  The  reports  were  not 
encouraging.  They  declared  that  there  was  organized  resist- 
ance to  the  Spanish  authority,  but  no  complete  or  regular 
government  anywhere. 

Not  discouraged  by  the  inquiries  of  the  first  commission, 
the  government  dispatched  a  second  in  1820  to  Chile  and 
Buenos  Aires,  which  were  represented  to  have  made  the  most 
substantial  advance  toward  emancipation  and  constitutional 
government.  Commodore  Perry  and  Commodore  Morris  of 
the  navy  were  also  sent  with  fleets  to  both  coasts  of  South 
America  to  keep  the  government  posted  as  to  the  condition  of 

7ti 


GENERAL,   RELATIONS  WITH   AMERICAN   REPUBLICS.         77 

affairs,  and  the  progress  of  events.  At  the  close  of  the  year 
1821,  the  reports  of  these  agents  left  little  doubt  as  to  the  ulti- 
mate success  of  the  provinces  in  their  struggle  for  independ- 
ence, and  on  the  8th  of  March,  1822,  President  Monroe  sent  a 
message  to  Congress  in  which  he  recited  the  history  of  that 
struggle  and  recommended  their  recognition  as  independent 
states.  The  message  was  referred  to  the  appropriate  commit- 
tees, which  shortly  after  submitted  favorable  reports,  with  the 
following  resolutions  : 

"Resolved,  that  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
concur  in  the  opinion  expressed  by  the  President  in  his  mes- 
sage of  March  8,  1822,  that  the  American  provinces  of  Spain, 
which  have  declared  their  independence  and  are  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  it,  ought  to  be  recognized  by  the  United  States  as 
independent  nations. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  be 
instructed  to  report  a  bill,  appropriating  a  sum  not  exceed- 
ing $100,000,  to  enable  the  President  to  give  due  effect  to  such 
recognition." 

These  resolutions  were  passed  and,  accordingly,  on  the  4th  of 
May  following,  Congress  made  the  appropriation. 

The  Spanish  minister  at  Washington  immediately  entered  a 
protest,  declaring  that  such  action  "can  in  no  way  now  or  at 
any  time  lessen  or  invalidate  in  the  least  the  right  of  Spain  to 
said  provinces,  or  to  employ  whatever  means  may  be  in  her 
power  to  reunite  them  to  the  rest  of  her  dominion." 

John  Quincy  Adams,  who  was  secretary  of  state,  replied  at 
length  to  this  communication,  concluding  his  note  with  the 
words:  "We  (the  United  States)  confidently  rely  that  the 
time  is  at  hand  when  all  the  governments  of  Europe,  friendly 
to  Spain,  will  not  only  concur  in  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
independence  of  the  American  nations,  but  in  the  sentiment 
that  nothing  will  tend  more  effectually  to  the  welfare  and 


78  THE  UNITED  STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

happiness  of  Spain,   than  the  universal  concurrence  In  that 
recognition." 

This  was  followed  by  a  manifesto  on  the  part  of  the  king  of 
Spain,  protesting  against  the  action  of  the  United  States  as  a 
violation  of  the  best  known  maxims  of  the  law  of  nations  and 
as  the  unjustifiable  sanctioning  of  the  undefined  right  of 
revolutionary  insurrection. 

Under  the  authority  of  Congress  above  recited,  the  Presi- 
dent, on  the  27th  of  January,  1823,  appointed  Csesar  A.  Rod- 
ney of  Delaware  as  minister  to  the  Argentine  Republic ; 
Herman  Allen  of  Vermont  to  Chile  ;  and  Richard  C.  Ander- 
son of  Kentucky  to  Colombia,  which  then  included  Venezuela, 
Colombia,  and  Ecuador. 

The  first  regular  diplomatic  representative  to  arrive  in  the 
United  States  from  the  Latin-American  nations  was  Sefior 
Don  Manuel  Torres,  who  was  received  as  the  minister  of 
Colombia  on  the  17th  of  June,  1822. 

On  the  30th  of  October,  1823,  Great  Britain  recognized  the 
independence  of  the  South  American  republics  and  in  1S25 
they  were  recognized  by  France. 

On  the  3d  of  October,  1824,  the  first  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  a  Spanish  American  nation  was  conemded 
at  Bogota.  On  December  5,  1825,  a  treaty  was  made  with  the 
Central  American  States  and  shortly  after  similar  conventions 
wrere  entered  into  with  the  other  American  republics.  The 
independence  of  Brazil  was  recognized  in  1825,  and  that  of 
Mexico  in  the  same  year. 

The  Navigation  of  the  La  Plata. 

The  Rio  de  la  Plata,  or  the  River  Plate,  as  it  is  often  but  im- 
properly termed  (for  the  name  means  "  The  Silver  River  "),  is 
the  great  artery  of  commerce  by  which  the  products  of 
Southern  Bolivia,  the  interior  provinces  of  Southern  Brazil, 
the    northern    provinces    of    the   Argentine   Republic   and 


GENERAL  RELATIONS  WITH  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.        79 

Uruguay,  and  the  republic  of  Paraguay  reach  the  sea.  (See 
map,  page  58.)  The  Rio  de  la  Plata  itself  is  but  a  few  hun- 
dreds of  miles  long,  but  with  its  great  estuaries,  the  Uruguay, 
the  Parana,  and  the  Paraguay  Rivers,  furnishes  nearly  five 
thousand  miles  of  navigable  waters,  and  drains  about  one 
third  of  the  great  southern  continent. 

After  attaining  its  independence  in  1821,  the  Argentine 
Republic,  then  known  as  the  United  Provinces  of  Rio  de  la 
Plata,  claimed  the  right  to  control  navigation  upon  this  great 
system,  and  to  open  or  clost.  it  to  commerce  at  will.  This 
authority  was  disputed  by  Paraguay  and  Brazil,  and  resisted 
by  England  and  France.  But  General  Rosas,  the  Argentine 
dictator,  was  stubborn,  and  it  was  not  until  he  was  overthrown 
by  General  Urquiza,  the  governor  of  the  Province  of  Entre 
Rios,  with  the  assistance  of  Brazil,  in  1851,  that  the  navigation 
of  these  rivers  was  declared  free  to  the  ships  of  all  nations. 

The  United  States  was  the  first  country  to  avail  itself  of  the 
privilege,  and  Lieutenant  Thomas  Jefferson  Page,  of  our  navy, 
was  directed  to  explore  and  survey  all  of  the  rivers  emptying 
into  the  Rio  de  la  Plata.  He  sailed  in  the  steamer  Water 
Witch,  and  was  accompanied  by  Robert  C.  Schenck  of  Ohio, 
then  minister  to  Brazil  and  afterwards  a  famous  statesman  and 
general  in  our  Civil  War,  and  Mr.  John  S.  Pendleton,  charge 
d'affaires  at  Buenos  Aires.  They  concluded  a  commercial 
treaty  with  Paraguay,  and  at  Buenos  Aires  met  the  ministers 
of  England  and  France,  who  had  instructions  to  make  similar 
arrangements.  But  the  Argentine  Republic  was  again  con- 
vulsed by  civil  war,  the  province  of  Buenos  Aires  having 
refused  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  General  Urquiza.  The 
three  plenipotentiaries  undertook  to  settle  the  difficulty  by 
acting  as  arbitrators,  but  failed.  They  then  concluded  with 
the  two  contending  factions  two  treaties,  identical  in  terms 
and  text,  which  were  6igned  on  the  10th  of  July,  1853.    Then  a 


80  THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

new  difficulty  arose.  The  province  of  Buenos  Aires  claimed 
the  right  to  fortify  a  little  island  called  "  Martin  Garcia,"  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Parana  River,  which  Urquiza,  representing 
the  other  provinces  of  the  confederation,  insisted  should  not  be 
permitted  on  the  ground  that  such  fortifications  would  impede 
navigation.  Finally  the  governments  of  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  the  United  States  agreed  "  to  use  their  influence 
to  prevent  the  possession  of  said  island  being  retained  or  held 
by  any  state  on  the  Bio  de  la  Plata  or  its  confluents  which 
shall  not  have  given  its  adhesion  to  the  principle  of  free  navi- 
gation." 

After  the  treaty  had  been  signed  and  ratified,  the  province  of 
Buenos  Aires  protested,  declaring  that  it  was  an  independent 
power ;  but  the  three  governments  declined  to  recognize  the 
protest  on  the  ground  that  Urquiza  represented  the  other 
thirteen  provinces  of  the  Argentine  Republic,  which  had  con- 
sented to  the  treaty. 

In  the  meantime  the  Water  Witch  had  made  careful  surveys 
of  all  the  rivers,  even  into  the  interior  of  Brazil,  and  the 
reports  of  Lieutenant  Page,  which  were  published  by  Congress, 
were  received  by  all  the  commercial  nations  of  the  world  as  a 
most  important  contribution  to  the  art  of  navigation. 

A  series  of  unfortunate  incidents  shortly  afterwards  brought 
the  government  of  the  United  States  into  hostile  relations 
with  Paraguay.  Mr.  Edward  A.  Hopkins,  a  citizen  of  Ver- 
mont, resigned  his  commission  in  the  navy  to  accept  an 
appointment  as  the  first  consul  of  the  United  States  in  that 
republic.  He  was  permitted  to  engage  in  business  and,  obtain- 
ing capital  in  the  United  States,  started  several  cigar  factories 
and  other  enterprises,  including  a  steamboat  company.  He 
soon  became  obnoxious  to  the  President,  familiarly  known  in 
that  country  as  the  Tyrant  Lopez  I.,  and  with  other  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  who  had  joined  him  in  Paraguay,  he  was 


GENERAL  RELATIONS  WITH  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.        81 

driven  out  of  the  country.  His  property  was  confiscated  and 
some  of  his  buildings  destroyed.  He  afterwards  presented  a 
claim  against  Paraguay  for  damages  amounting  to  several 
millions  of  dollars,  and  this  claim  has  ever  since  been  a  subject 
of  diplomatic  correspondence.  Mr.  Hopkins  was  in  Washing- 
ton as  late  as  1891,  urging  the  government  to  insist  upon  the 
payment  of  his  claim,  but  in  that  year  died  at  an  advanced 
age. 

The  treaty  that  had  been  made  with  Paraguay,  when  pre- 
sented for  ratification,  was  found  to  be  so  defective,  through 
the  carelessness  of  Mr.  Pendleton  and  an  Englishman  who 
had  acted  as  his  clerk  and  interpreter,  that  it  was  returned  to 
Lieutenant  Page  in  Paraguay  for  correction.  Our  government 
had  been  described  in  the  document  as  "  The  United  States  of 
North  America,"  and  as  "  The  North  American  Union,"  and 
there  were  thirty-two  other  similar  errors. 

Being  angered  at  the  transactions  of  Mr.  Hopkins  and  other 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  the  Paraguayan  tyrant  declined 
to  correct  the  treaty  and  returned  the  notes  of  Lieutenant 
Page  unopened,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  written  in 
English  and  he  was  unable  to  read  them.  Page  insisted  upon 
the  use  of  his  own  language  and  Lopez,  claiming  that  this  was 
an  insult,  commanded  him  to  withdraw  the  Water  Witch  from 
Paraguayan  waters,  and  issued  a  decree  forbidding  all  foreign 
vessels  of  war  from  entering  the  rivers  of  the  country.  In 
descending  the  Parana  in  February,  1855,  the  Water  Witch  was 
fired  upon  by  the  garrison  of  a  Paraguay  fort  and  the  helms- 
man was  killed. 

Our  government  then  sent  Mr.  Richard  Fitzpatrick  as  a 
commissioner  to  Paraguay  to  enter  a  remonstrance  and  at  the 
same  time  to  secure  a  correction  of  the  treaty.  He  reached 
Asuncion,  the  capital,  in  November,  1856,  but  Lopez  refused  to 
receive  him.     Whereupon  there  was  a  long  continued  investi- 


82  THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN  POWERS. 

gat  ion  by  Congress,  and  President  Buchanan  in  June,  1858, 
sent  Mr.  Jas.  B.  Bowlin  as  a  second  commissioner,  with  a  fleet 
of  nineteen  vessels,  and  a  force  of  2,500  men.  This  show  of 
force  had  its  effect.  The  original  treaty  of  1853  was  ratified,  as 
corrected ;  another  treaty  for  the  protection  of  the  rights  of 
American  citizens  in  Paraguay  was  negotiated,  and  an  apology 
was  offered  for  the  attack  upon  the  Water  Witch. 

Mr.  Charles  A.  Washburn  was  sent  to  Paraguay  as  minister 
from  the  United  States  shortly  after,  and  remained  until  18G8, 
when  that  republic  and  Uruguay  were  placed  in  charge  of  the 
same  legation. 

The  Navigation  of  the  Amazon. 

In  1851  Lieutenants  Herndon  and  Gibbon  of  the  United 
States  Navy  were  sent  to  Peru  with  instructions  to  explore  the 
river  Amazon  (see  map,  page  60)  for  the  purpose  of  ascertain- 
ing the  extent  of  its  facilities  for  navigation  and  the  opportu- 
nities it  afforded  for  commerce.  As  soon  as  their  mission 
became  known  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  the  Brazilian  government 
sent  a  commissioner  to  Peru  and  Bolivia  to  negotiate  treaties 
"by  which  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  should  be  ex- 
cluded from  all  participation  in  the  navigation  of  the  Amazon 
and  its  branches,  and  in  the  trade  of  the  interior  of  South 
America."  This  movement  on  the  part  of  Brazil  was  inspired 
by  the  influence  of  an  English  company  which  at  that  time 
was  establishing  trading  posts  along  the  Amazon  under  a  con- 
cession which  gave  it  a  monopoly  of  the  commerce.  The 
treaty  proposed  was  not  negotiated  with  Peru,  but  another  was 
concluded,  which  stipulated  in  general  terms  that  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  great  river  should  be  controlled  and  regulated  by 
the  nations  through  whose  territory  it  passed. 

Lieutenant  Herndon,  who  was  in  Bolivia  at  the  time,  suc- 
ceeded in  frustrating  the  designs  of  the  Brazilian  minister,  and 
secured  the  promulgation  of  a  decree  granting  to  the  subjects 


GENERAL  RELATIONS  WITH   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.        83 

of  all  nations  the  free  navigation  of  all  waters  flowing  through 
Bolivian  territory,  and  at  the  same  time  offering  a  subsidy 
or  reward  of  §10,000  to  the  first  steamer  that  should  reach  any 
town  in  that  republic  from  the  sea.  The  Brazilian  govern- 
ment also  attempted,  but  without  success,  to  persuade 
Ecuador,  Colombia,  and  Venezuela  to  extend  to  the  Amazon 
Steamship  Company  a  monopoly  of  the  navigation  of  the 
branches  of  that  river  which  flowed  through  their  territory. 
The  United  States  remonstrated  against  the  action  of  Brazil, 
and  wTas  soon  joined  by  Great  Britain  and  France,  who 
demanded  the  free  navigation  of  the  Amazon  and  its  branches 
and  the  abolition  of  auy  monopoly  that  might  affect  its  com- 
merce. The  Brazilian  government  resisted,  whereupon  Mr. 
Marcy,  who  was  secretary  of  state,  wrote  the  United  States 
minister  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  "Should  you  discover  any  reluc- 
tance on  the  part  of  the  government  to  yield  to  this  just  claim, 
you  will  impress  upon  it  the  determination  of  the  United 
States  to  secure  it  for  their  citizens.  The  President  is  desirous 
to  cultivate  the  most  amicable  relations  with  that  government, 
and  would  much  regret  to  have  these  relations  disturbed  by  a 
persistence  in  a  policy  that  is  so  much  at  variance  with  all  the 
liberal  views  of  civilized  and  enterprising  nations." 

President  Pierce  made  the  controversy  the  subject  of  a  mes- 
sage to  Congress  in  1S53,  in  which  he  took  firm  ground  in  favor 
of  the  free  navigation  of  all  rivers,  and  announced  that  the 
United  States  would  insist  upon  and  enforce  its  rights  upon 
the  waters  of  the  Amazon. 

The  Brazilian  government  replied  that  "  it  was  not  the 
intention  of  the  imperial  government  to  keep  the  Amazon  foi*- 
ever  closed  to  foreign  commerce,  but  its  opening  does  not  seem 
to  be  as  yet  called  for  "  ;  that  Brazil  believed  it  to  be  to  her  ad- 
vantage as  well  as  her  right  to  afford  the  navigation  of  the 
river  to  individual  nations,  under  treaty  stipulations,  rather 


84  THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

than  by  general  permission  to  all ;  that  the  western  boundaries 
of  the  empire  were  still  undefined,  and  that  until  they  were 
determined  delay  was  necessary. 

The  correspondence  continued  until  18G1  -when  it  was  sus- 
pended by  reason  of  the  Civil  War  in  the  United  States.  In 
the  meantime  the  monopoly  of  commerce  upon  the  Amazon 
was  maintained.  In  1866,  however,  the  emperor  issued  an 
edict  which  opened  its  waters  to  the  commerce  of  the  world. 
The  Annexation  of  Texas  and  the  Mexican  War. 

The  treaty  of  April  30,  1S03,  by  which  the  United  States 
acquired  what  was  known  as  the  "  Louisiana  territory  "  from 
France,  said  nothing  of  its  extent,  except  that  it  was  the  terri- 
tory which  Spain  had  ceded  to  France  in  the  treaty  of  San 
Ildefonso  in  1S00.  The  consequence  of  this  omission  was  a 
long  controversy  with  Spain.  The  United  States  claimed  that 
the  Rio  Grande  was  the  southwestern  boundary,  but  the 
French  ambassador,  De  Neuville,  to  whom  the  question 
was  referred,  decided  in  favor  of  the  Sabine  River — the  present 
boundary  between  Louisiana  and  Texas.  John  Quincy 
Adams,  then  secretary  of  state,  objected,  but  President  Mon- 
roe and  the  remainder  of  the  cabinet  decided  to  accept  the 
decision,  so  Mr.  Adams  was  compelled  to  yield  and  a  treaty  to 
this  effect  was  signed  in  February,  1819.  This  treaty  caused 
great  dissatisfaction  in  the  Southern  and  Southwestern  States, 
and  particularly  among  the  inhabitants  of  Texas,  which  was 
almost  exclusively  settled  by  emigrants  from  the  United 
States. 

In  1S24  the  constitution  of  the  new  Mexican  republic  united 
Coahuila,  hitherto  a  separate  province,  and  Texas  as  a  single 
province,  and  a  Mexican  was  placed  in  power  as  governor. 
He  had  much  trouble  with  the  American  residents,  and  in 
1S30  President  Bustamente  of  Mexico  issued  a  decree  forbid- 
ding further  immigration  from  the  United  States.    In  1833  the 


GENERAL   RELATIONS  WITH   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.        85 

American  residents,  then  numbering  from  20,000  to  25,000,  held 
a  convention  and  asked  the  Mexican  government  to  permit 
them  to  organize  a  separate  state.  This  was  declined,  and 
Colonel  S.  F.  Austin,  who  carried  the  petition  to  Santa  Anna, 
was  thrown  into  prison.  This  was  followed  by  a  revolution 
and  the  organization  of  a  republic  under  General  Sam  Houston 
in  December,  1835.  Santa  Anna  marched  into  Texas  with  a 
large  army,  captured  the  Alamo,  a  fortress  at  San  Antonio, 
and  massacred  the  entire  garrison.  The  Mexican  troops  were 
finally  driven  out.  A  constitution  was  adopted  in  1836,  and  in 
March,  1837,  the  United  States  recognized  the  new  republic. 
Two  year3  later  England,  France,  Holland,  and  Belgium  also 
recognized  the  independence  of  Texas.  In  1841  and  1842  the 
Mexicans  again  attempted  to  recover  the  lost  province  without 
success,  and  in  1843  President  Tyler  made  a  treaty  with  the 
authorities  of  Texas  for  the  annexation  of  the  disputed  terri- 
tory to  the  United  States.  This  treaty  was  denounced  by 
Mexico,  protests  were  made  by  the  powers  of  Europe,  and  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  in  1849  refused  to  ratify  it.  But 
during  the  following  year  a  joint  resolution  was  adopted  by 
Congress  authorizing  annexation,  the  Texan  government 
accepted  it  and  in  December,  1845,  Texas  was  formally  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union,  the  entire  territory  being  ceded  to  the 
United  States  for  the  sum  of  $10,000,000,  which  was  applied  to 
the  payment  of  the  debts  of  the  republic.  This  was  the  cause 
of  the  war  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States. 

Mexico  having  formally  protested  against  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  Mr.  Slidell  was  sent  to  the  capital  of  that  country  to 
attempt  a  reconciliation,  but  the  government  declined  to 
receive  him,  and  in  January,  1S46,  General  Taylor  was 
ordered  to  advance  his  army  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  fortify 
himself. 

In  February  Captain  John  C.  Fremont,  who  was  conducting 


86  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOKKIGN  POWERS. 

a  scientific  investigation  in  the  far  West,  entered  Monterey, 
California,  with  his  men  and  asked  permission  of  the  Mexican 
authorities  to  Bpend  the  winter  there.     Consent  was  originally 

granted,  hut,  under  instructions  from  the  federal  government 
at  Mexico,  it  was  afterwards  withdrawn  and  an  order  was 
issued  expelling  all  Americans  from  Mexican  territory.  Fre- 
mont withdrew  to  the  neighboring  mountains  with  the  United 
States  citizens  then  residing  at  Monterey,  and  fortified  him- 
self. This  was  considered  by  Mexico  as  an  affront,  and  in 
April  hostilities  were  begun  on  the  Rio  Grande.  A  few  weeks 
later  General  Kearney  took  possession  of  Santa  F6  and  pro- 
claimed the  annexation  of  Xew  Mexico  and  all  territory  north 
of  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  United  States.  After  a  series  of 
engagements  the  city  of  Mexico  was  captured,  and  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1848,  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  was  signed, 
which  ended  the  war  and  ceded  Xew  Mexico  and  California  to 
the  United  States  in  return  for  the  payment  of  $10,000,000. 

In  18-53  an  expedition  of  filibusters  was  organized  in  Cali- 
fornia for  the  invasion  of  Lower  California  and  other  portions 
of  Mexico.  This  called  out  a  proclamation  from  President 
Pierce  warning  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  against  all 
such  undertakings  and  threatening  the  guilty  with  the  utmost 
severity  of  the  laws.  But  the  popular  cry  of  "manifest 
destiny  "  was  too  loud  to  be  unheeded,  and  the  annexation  of 
new  territory  to  the  United  States  was  advocated  by  many 
politicians.  In  compliance  with  this  demand  the  President 
appointed  James  Gadsden  a  plenipotentiary  to  Mexico  to  nego- 
tiate with  Santa  Anna  for  the  acquisition  of  certain  lands 
along  the  Mexican  border.  He  visited  the  city  of  Mexico  and 
succeeded  in  concluding  a  treaty  by  which  that  part  of 
Arizona  lying  south  of  the  Gila  River,  which  was  the  boundary 
fixed  by  the  Guadalupe-Hidalgo  treaty,  was  annexed  to  the 
United  States  upon  the  payment  often  millions  of  dollars. 


GENERAL  RELATIONS  WITH  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.        87 

The  Filibusters  in  Nicaragua. 
One  of  the  most  dramatic  incidents  in  the  relations  between 
the  United  States  and  the  other  American  republics  was  the 
attempt  of  William  Walker  to  secure  control  of  Nicaragua 
(see  map,  page  111).  In  1854  an  expedition  was  organized  in 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  under  the  leadership  of  H.  L. 
Kinney,  ostensibly  to  establish  a  colony  upon  the  Mosquito 
Coast  of  Nicaragua,  but  really  to  obtain  control  of  the  govern- 
ments of  Central  America.  Remonstrance  was  made  to  the 
United  States  and  the  plans  of  the  conspirators  were  defeated. 
In  the  following  year  an  American  named  Byron  Cole  arrived 
in  Nicaragua,  and  entered  into  a  contract  with  the  revolution- 
ary party,  then  endeavoring  to  overthrow  the  government,  to 
bring  to  their  assistance  an  army  of  foreigners  under  the  guise 
of  colonists.  Cole  went  to  California  to  obtain  recruits,  and 
there  transferred  his  contract  to  William  Walker,  a  native 
of  Tennessee.  Walker  was  a  man  of  small  stature,  but  great 
personal  courage.  He  possessed  marked  natural  abilities, 
which  were  developed  by  a  classical  education  and  the  study  of 
the  law,  which  he  practiced  at  Philadelphia  for  some  years. 
Having  a  taste  for  adventure,  he  went  to  California  in  1849 
and  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Marysville. 
In  1852  he  went  to  Lower  California  and  conceived  the  idea 
of  establishing  an  independent  republic  on  that  peninsula ; 
but  his  plans  were  frustrated.  Having  failed  in  that  direction 
he  entered  eagerly  into  the  projects  of  Cole  and  organized 
an  expedition  of  reckless  adventurers,  with  whom  he  landed  in 
Nicaragua  and  joined  the  leaders  of  the  revolution.  He  soon 
obtained  command  of  their  army,  and  after  a  long  and  bloody 
struggle  secured  control  of  the  government.  The  people  of 
Nicaragua  however  appealed  to  the  United  States,  and  Presi- 
dent Pierce  issued  a  proclamation  denouncing  him.  The 
legitimate  government  also  appealed  to   the   other    Central 


88  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

American  nations.  The  call  Mas  responded  to  by  all  of 
them,  who  united  their  forces  against  Walker.  The  hitter's 
army  numbered  about  1,200  men,  largely  adventurers  from 
the  United  States.  The  rest  were  Englishmen,  Frenchmen, 
and  Germans.  These  foreigners  could  not  endure  the  cli- 
mate, and  their  army  was  rapidly  weakened  by  sickness  and 
death.  They  were  driven  to  the  northern  coast  of  the  country, 
where  they  finally  surrendered  to  Commander  Charles  H. 
Davis  of  the  United  States  Navy,  commanding  the  U.  S. 
Corvette  Saint  Mary.  "Walker  escaped,  but  400  of  his  followers 
were  transported  to  the  United  States  by  Commander  Davis. 
The  war  being  ended,  the  allied  forces  departed  for  their 
homes,  and  Walker  finally  reached  the  United  States. 

But  he  was  not  satisfied  with  his  defeat,  and,  taking  advan- 
tage of  a  rupture  between  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica,  he  or- 
ganized another  expedition,  eluded  the  vigilance  of  the  United 
States  authorities,  and  sailed  from  New  Orleans.  Upon  his  ar- 
rival in  Nicaragua  he  was  immediately  arrested  by  Commodore 
Paulding  of  the  United  States  Navy,  and  sent  home.  But  he 
at  once  organized  a  third  expedition  of  filibusters,  and  landed 
at  Truxillo,  Honduras,  where  he  seized  the  funds  in  the  custom 
house.  The  British  war  vessel  Icarus,  however,  entered  the 
port,  and  Walker  fled  to  the  interior,  where  he  was  overtaken 
and  arrested  by  the  British  commander,  and  delivered  to 
the  local  authorities,  who  tried  him  and  sentenced  him  to 
death.  He  was  executed  at  Truxillo  on  the  12th  of  Septem- 
ber, 18G0. 

The   War  between  Chile,  Bolivia,  and  Peru. 

After  the  separation  of  her  colonies  in  South  America  from 
Spain,  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru  was  divided  into  two  republics, 
one  of  which  retained  the  old  name.  The  other  was  called 
Bolivia,  in  honor  of  Bolivar,  the  leader  in  the  war  for  independ- 
ence.    In  the  division  of  territory  Bolivia  was  given  a  long 


GENERAL  RELATIONS  WITH   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.        89 

strip  of  desert  on  the  coast,  which,  was  supposed  to  be  worth- 
less, but  half  a  century  later  it  was  found  to  be  stored  by 
nature  with  hnniense  deposits  of  nitrate  of  soda.  A  Chilean 
company,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Valparaiso,  was  work- 
ing these  deposits  on  a  large  scale,  within  the  territory  of 
Bolivia,  when  the  government  of  that  republic  in  1S79  imposed 
an  export  tax  upon  the  product.  The  company  refused  to  pay 
the  tax,  and  was  sustained  by  the  government  of  Chile,  which 
contended  that  it  was  in  violation  of  a  treaty  made  in  1874. 
Bolivia  responded  by  seizing  the  property  of  the  company, 
and  ordering  its  sale  at  auction  for  failure  to  pay  the  tax. 
Chile  at  once  sent  her  fleet  to  the  port,  and  landed  an  armed 
force  to  prevent  the  sale.  Some  years  before,  Peru  had  entered 
into  a  secret  treaty  of  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  with 
Bolivia,  and  the  latter  country  having  declared  war  against 
Chile  called  upon  Peru  for  assistance.  Thus  the  three  nations 
became  involved  in  a  struggle  which  assumed  grave  dimen- 
sions. 

Under  the  direction  of  President  Hayes  the  United  States  in 
October,  1S80,  offered  its  good  offices  as  an  arbitrator  to  settle 
the  difficulty,  and  representatives  of  the  three  belligerent 
powers  met  on  board  the  man-of-war  Lackawanna  to  arrange 
terms  of  peace.  After  a  conference  of  three  days  a  treaty  was 
formulated,  which  was  accepted  by  Peru  and  Bolivia,  but  was 
finally  rejected  by  Chile. 

When  General  Garfield  became  President  in  March,  1881, 
Mr.  Christiancy,  who  had  been  minister  to  Peru,  was  replaced 
by  General  Hurlbut,  and  the  latter  at  once  renewed  the  offer  of 
mediation  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  ;  but  its  form  and 
language  were  declared  offensive  by  Chile,  which  by  that  time 
had  conquered  Peru,  and  was  occupying  the  country  with  its 
victorious  army.  General  Kilpatrick,  who  had  been  sent  as 
minister  to  Chile,  expressed  his  sympathy  with  the  protest 


90  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

entered  by  that  government  against  General  Hurlbut's  propo- 
sition, and  Mr.  William  Henry  Trescot  was  sent  from 
Washington  in  December,  1SS1,  to  sec  if  he  could  adjust  the 
controversy  and  exert  a  pacific  influence  upon  both  govern- 
ments. But  ho  failed  to  accomplish  what  was  desired,  and  a 
treaty  of  peace  was  finally  negotiated,  under  which  Peru  and 
Bolivia  forfeited  to  Chile  as  an  indemnity  for  the  war  a  large 
tract  of  territory  along  the  Pacific  coast. 

The  Trouble  between  Chile  and  the  United  States. 
In  the  winter  of  1S90-91  a  dispute  arose  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Congress  of  Chile  over  their  respective  constitu- 
tional powers,  and  a  revolution  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
former  began.  The  naval  forces  of  the  republic  took  the  part 
of  the  Congress,  which  retired  from  the  capital  and  organized 
a  provisional  government  at  the  city  of  Icpuique  in  the  north- 
ern part  of  the  country.  The  steamship  Itata,  which  had 
been  sent  to  San  Francisco  by  the  Congressional  party  for  a 
cargo  of  arms,  was  seized  by  the  United  States  officials  and 
held  for  alleged  violation  of  the  neutrality  act.  The  Con- 
gressional party  felt  and  expressed  great  indignation  at  this 
act  of  our  government,  which  was  augmented  by  a  belief  that 
the  United  States  had  shown  unjustifiable  sympathy  with 
their  President,  and  had  refused  to  recognize  their  belligerent 
lights.  "When  this  party  succeeded  in  their  attempts  to  over- 
throw the  President,  and  organized  a  new  government  at 
Santiago,  their  sympathizers  expressed  in  various  ways  9 
resentment  toward  the  United  States.  In  October,  1891,  a 
party  of  sailors  from  the  inar-of-war  Baltimore  having  been 
given  "  liberty"  at  the  port  of  Valparaiso,  went  on  shore  and 
became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  a  number  of  citizens,  which 
resulted  in  a  serious  riot  in  which  several  were  killed  and 
wounded.  The  police  of  the  city,  instead  of  endeavoring  to 
suppress  the  riot,  and  protect  the  American  seamen,  joined  in 


GENERAL   RELATIONS  WITH   AMERICAN  REPUBLICS.        91 

the  assault  upon  them,  and  it  was  alleged  that  the  sailors  who 
were  killed  met  their  death  at  the  hands  of  the  police. 

The  United  States'  demand  for  redress  was  responded  to  by 
an  insulting  circular,  signed  by  the  Chilean  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  addressed  to  the  diplomatic  officers  of  that  republic 
throughout  the  world,  in  which  the  grievances  of  Chile 
against  our  government  were  set  forth  at  length.  President 
Harrison  demanded  an  apology  for  the  circular,  and  reparation 
for  the  attack  upon  the  sailors  of  the  Baltimore,  which  the 
government  of  Chile  after  a  long  and  bitter  controversy  con- 
sented to  grant. 

The  Union  of  Central  America. 

After  the  achievement  of  their  independence,  the  five  states 
of  Central  America  united  in  a  confederation,  which  was  dis- 
solved about  ten  years  later  because  of  local  jealousies.  Re- 
peated attempts  have  since  been  made  to  reunite  the  five 
republics  under  a  single  government,  and  that  is  still  the 
desire  of  the  wisest  men  in  all  of  them.  General  Barrios,  who 
for  twelve  years  was  President  of  Guatemala,  and  was  the 
greatest  soldier  and  most  progressive  statesman  that  republic 
has  produced,  cherished  the  ambition  to  accomplish  the 
reunion,  and  died  in  the  attempt.  In  1SS4  he  secured  the  ad- 
hesion of  Honduras  and  Salvador  to  the  plan,  and  with  the 
approval  of  the  Presidents  of  these  republics,  issued  a  procla- 
mation announcing  the  union  of  Central  America,  with  the 
expectation  that  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica  would  ultimately 
signify  their  assent.  But  the  President  of  Salvador,  after  the 
proclamation  was  issued,  repudiated  the  agreement,  and  Bar- 
rios declared  war  against  that  republic.  In  one  of  the  first 
engagements  in  March,  1SS5,  he  was  killed.  Pour  years  later 
delegates  from  the  five  republics  met  in  Salvador  and  agreed 
upon  a  plan  for  reunion,  but  it  was  not  carried  into  effect. 
The  policy  of  the  United  States  has  been  to  encourage  the 


92  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  TOWERS. 

plan,  provided  it  can  be  peacefully  accomplished,  but  always 
to  oppose  coercion. 

Claims  against  the  American.   /,'<  pufilies. 

Citizens  of  the  United  States  residing  in  the  several  Ameri- 
can republics  have  repeatedly  invoked  the  aid  of  this  govern- 
ment to  collect  claims  against  them  for  damages  suffered,  and 
losses  sustained  from  various  causes.  These  claims  have 
usually  been  settled  by  the  appointment  of  commissions  to 
make  investigations  and  to  award  such  damages  as  the  evi- 
dence has  justified. 

The  United  States  has  frequently  exercised  its  good  offices  in 
determining  disputed  boundaries  oetween  the  other  American 
republics. 


CHAPTEE  VII. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

That  popular  feature  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United 
States  known  as  the  "  Monroe  doctrine,"  is  based  upon  certain 
declarations  made  against  European  interference  in  American 
affairs  or  occupation  of  American  territory  by  President  Mon- 
roe, in  a  message  to  Congress  on  the  2nd  of  December,  1823. 

In  1815,  after  the  downfall  of  Napoleon,  the  great  powers  of 
Europe  organized  what  was  known  as  the  Holy  Alliance,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  maintain  the  "  divine  right  of  kings" 
and  preserve  the  territorial  integrity  of  the  continent.  At 
a  congress  of  delegates  representing  this  alliance,  sitting  at 
Verona,  Italy,  in  October,  1822,  it  was  proposed  that  the  other 
European  nations  should  assist  Spain  in  recovering  her  lost 
provinces  in  America.  Great  Britain  had  already  secured 
commercial  supremacy  in  the  new  American  republics,  and 
fearing  that  the  re-establishment  of  the  Spanish  power  would 
close  their  markets  to  her  merchants,  entered  a  vigorous 
protest,  through  her  delegate,  the  famous  Duke  of  Wellington. 
Shortly  after,  Mr.  Canning,  then  premier  of  England,  pro- 
posed to  Mr.  Richard  Rush,  the  United  States  minister,  that 
the  governments  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
should  unite  in  a  declaration  against  the  designs  of  the 
Alliance  in  regard  to  this  continent.  Mr.  Rush  consented, 
provided  England  would  formally  recognize  the  independence 

93 


94  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

of  the  Spanish  American  republics,  as  the  United  States  had 
done  some  months  before.  This,  however,  Mr.  Canning  de- 
clined to  do,  and  tbe  declaration  was  never  made. 

The  proposition  and  the  correspondence  relating  to  it,  to- 
gether with  a  detailed  account  of  the  supposed  designs  of  the 
Holy  Alliance,  were  promptly  forwarded  to  Washington  by 
Mr.  Rush,  and  Mr.  Monroe  considered  the  matter  of  such 
gravity  that  he  solicited  the  advice  of  ex-Presidents  Jefferson 
and  Madison,  and  made  it  the  subject  of  a  message  to  Congress 
in  which  he  said  : 

"The  occasion  has  been  judged  proper  for  asserting,  as  a 
principle  in  which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United 
States  are  involved,  that  the  American  continents,  by  the  free 
and  independent  condition  which  they  have  assumed  and 
maintained,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for 

future  colonization  by  any  European  powers We 

owe  it  therefore  to  candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations  ex- 
isting between  the  United  States  and  those  powers  to  declare 
that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend 
their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous 
to  our  peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  or  depen- 
dencies of  any  European  power  we  have  not  interfered  and 
shall  not  interfere ;  but  with  the  governments  that  have 
declared  their  independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose 
independence  we  have  on  great  consideration  and  on  just 
principles  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposition 
for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them  or  controlling  in  any  other 
manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European  power,  in  any  other 
light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  disposition 
toward  the  United  States." 

A  few  days  afterwards  Henry  Clay,  then  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  took  the  floor  to  offer  the  following 
resolution : 


THE  MONROE  DOCTEINE.  95 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  that  the 
people  of  these  states  would  not  see,  without  serious  inquie- 
tude, any  forcible  intervention  by  the  allied  powers  of  Europe 
in  behalf  of  Spain,  to  reduce  to  their  former  subjection  those 
parts  of  the  continent  of  America  which  have  proclaimed  and 
established  for  themselves  independent  governments,  which 
have  been  solemnly  recognized  by  the  United  States." 

No  action  was  ever  taken  by  Congress  upon  the  resolution 
of  Mr.  Clay.  None  was  necessary.  The  positive  and  patriotic 
utterances  of  President  Monroe,  when  published  in  Europe, 
terminated  the  discussion  of  the  proposition  to  aid  Spain 
in  the  recovery  of  her  American  provinces,  and  the  independ- 
ence of  Mexico  and  the  Central  and  South  American  republics 
was  shortly  after  recognized  by  Great  Britain  and  other  Euro- 
pean powers. 

It  should  be  said,  however,  that  the  message  of  Mr.  Monroe 
on  this  subject  is  believed  to  have  been  prepared  by  John 
Quincy  Adams,  then  secretary  of  state. 

The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty. 

Although  the  announcement  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  was 
nowhere  more  cordially  received  and  approved  than  in  Great 
Britain,  it  is  an  interesting  coincidence  that  the  first  direct 
application  of  the  policy  it  involves  was  to  prevent  the  estab- 
lishment by  that  nation  of  a  protectorate  over  the  Mosquito 
nation  of  Indians  that  occupy  a  tract  of  land  along  the 
north  coast  of  Nicaragua  between  Costa  Rica  and  Honduras. 
This  tribe  of  Indians  was  one  of  the  few  native  races  that 
were  not  subjugated  during  the  occupation  of  Central  and 
South  America  by  the  Spaniards,  and,  although  frequent  and 
determined  attempts  were  made  to  subdue  and  civilize  them, 
they  managed  to  maintain  their  independence.  During  the 
constant  struggle  between  the    English  and    the  Spaniards 


96  THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN   TOWERS. 

for  supremacy  in  the  western  seas,  the  Mosquito  Indians, 
recognizing  the  hitter  as  their  natural  enemies,  gave  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  British  seamen,  and  their  ports  were  always 
open  as  an  asylum  for  British  ships.  There  the  British  bucca- 
neer  found  supplies  of  food  and  water,  and  in  the  dense  forests 
along  the  Mosquito  Coast  they  concealed  the  treasure  cap- 
tured from  the  Spanish  galleons.  As  a  natural  consequence 
many  English  adventurers  took  up  their  residence  among  the 
Mosquito  villages  and  intermarried  with  the  natives.  In  1848 
serious  differences  arose  between  the  Indians  and  the  govern- 
ment of  Nicaragua,  when  Great  Britain  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  Mosquitos,  established  a  protectorate  over  them,  and 
forced  the  Nicaraguans  to  recognize  their  independence.  The 
British  men-of-war  took  forcible  possession  of  the  port  of  San 
Juan  del  Norte  (Greytown)  and  fortified  the  place  (see  map 
page  111). 

As  this  port  was  regarded  as  the  necessary  terminus  of  any 
railway  or  canal  that  might  be  constructed  across  the  Isthmus, 
and  as  the  action  of  England  was  regarded  as  an  unjustifiable 
interference  with  the  affairs  of  Nicaragua,  the  United  States 
entered  an  earnest  protest,  and  a  special  commissioner  was 
sent  to  Central  America  to  make  an  investigation  and  report. 
The  relations  of  the  United  States  with  Great  Britain  began  to 
assume  a  threatening  aspect  and  the  correspondence  between 
the  two  nations  was  very  active  and  earnest.  But  the  diffi- 
culty was  adjusted  by  diplomatic  negotiations  conducted  by 
John  M.  Clayton,  then  secretary  of  state,  and  Sir  Henry 
Bulwer,  the  British  minister  at  Washington,  who  signed  at 
Washington,  the  19th  of  April,  1S50,  what  is  known  as  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  "  for  the  purpose  of  setting  forth  and 
fixing  the  views  and  intentions  of  the  two  governments  with 
reference  to  any  means  of  communication  by  ship  canal  which 
may  be  constructed  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  97 

by  way  of  the  River  San  Juan  de  Nicaragua  or  both  of  the 
lakes  of  Nicaragua  or  Managua  to  any  port  or  place  on  the 
Pacific  Ocean." 

As  this  treaty  has  been  the  subject  of  protracted  controversy 
in  the  past  and  is  likely  to  be  the  subject  of  serious  discussion 
in  the  future  it  is  important  that  the  entire  text  should  be 
given,  as  follows : 

"Article  I.  Neither  government  will  ever  obtain  or  main- 
tain for  itself  any  exclusive  control  over  the  said  ship  canal ; 
nor  erect  nor  maintain  any  fortifications  '  or  occupy  or  fortify 
or  colonize  or  assume  or  exercise  any  dominion  over  Nicaragua, 
Costa  Rica,  the  Mosquito  Coast,  or  any  part  of  Central  Amer- 
ica ;  nor  make  use  of  any  protection  which  either  affords  or 
may  afford,  or  any  alliance  which  either  has  or  may  have 
to  or  with  any  state  or  people,'  for  any  of  the  above  purposes, 
nor  use  any  alliance  or  influence  that  either  may  possess  with 
any  state  or  government  through  whose  territory  the  canal 
may  pass  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  for  the  citizens  or 
subjects  of  the  one  any  rights  of  commerce  or  navigation, 
1  which  sball  not  be  offered  on  the  same  terms  to  the  citizens  or 
subjects  of  the  other.' 

"Article  II.  Vessels  of  both  countries,  in  case  of  war  be- 
tween them,  shall,  while  traversing  the  canal,  or  at  such  a 
distance  from  the  two  ends  thereof  as  may  hereafter  be  estab- 
lished, be  exempted  from  blockade,  detention,  or  capture. 

"Article  III.  Those  constructing  the  canal  under  the 
authority  of  the  local  governments  are  to  be  protected  in  per- 
son and  property. 

"Article  IV.  The  contracting  parties  will  use  their  in- 
fluence with  local  governments  to  facilitate  the  construction  of 
the  canal ;  and  also  their  good  offices  to  procure  the  establish- 
ment of  two  free  ports. 

"  Article  V.     When  completed,  the  contracting  parties 


98  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

guarantee  the  protection  and  neutrality  of  the  canal  ;  which 
may  be  withdrawn  by  either  party  upon  six  months'  notice  to 
the  other,  if  the  regulations  concerning  traffic  '  are  contrary  to 
the  spirit  and  intention  of  this  convention.' 

"Article  VI.  The  contracting  parties  engage  to  invite 
friendly  states  '  to  enter  into  stipulations  with  them  similar  to 
those  which  they  have  entered  into  with  each  other'  ;  also  to 
enter  into  treaty  stipulations  with  the  Central  American  states 
'for  the  purpose  of  more  effectually  carrying  out  the  great 
design  of  this  convention '  ;  and  also  to  use  their  good  offices  to 
settle  differences  between  the  states  of  Central  America  '  as  to 
right  or  property  over  the  territory  through  which  the  said 
canal  shall  pass.' 

"  Article  VII.  The  contracting  parties  agree  to  give  their 
support  to  such  reliable  persons  or  company  as  may  first  offer 
to  commence  the  construction  of  the  canal ;  priority  of  claim 
to  protection  to  belong  to  any  person  or  company  having  made 
preparations  therefor. 

"  Article  VIII.  Both  governments  '  agree  to  extend  their 
protection,  by  treaty  stipulations,  to  any  other  practicable 
communications,  whether  by  canal  or  railway  across  the 
isthmus,'  and  especially  to  those  '  which  are  now  proposed  to 
be  established  by  the  way  of  Tehuantepec  or  Panama.'  Both 
governments  shall  approve  of  the  charges  or  conditions  of 
traffic.  Equal  privileges  shall  be  granted  '  to  the  citizens  and 
subjects  of  every  state  which  is  willing  to  grant  thereto  such 
protection  as  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  engage  to 
afford.' " 

It  was  only  a  few  months  after  the  ratification  of  this  treaty 
that  a  claim  of  the  British  government  to  Honduras  and  its 
occupation  of  the  Bay  Islands,  caused  another  serious  contro- 
versy with  the  United  States  which  was  settled  by  a  supple- 
mentary treaty  negotiated  by  Mr.  Dallas  and  Lord  Clarendon. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  99 

This  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  with  some 
amendments  to  which  the  British  government  would  not 
agree,  and  the  discussion  was  continued  until  1859,  when  Great 
Britain  signed  treaties  with  Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  Nica- 
ragua in  which  were  renounced  the  claims  she  had  made  to 
Central  American  territory.  "With  this  the  government  of  the 
United  States  expressed  satisfaction. 

Controversies  over  the  Island  of  Cuba. 

The  fertile  island  of  Cuba  has  also  caused  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine to  be  invoked.  Early  in  the  century,  when  Louisiana 
was  ceded  to  the  United  States  by  France,  and  Florida  by 
Spain,  Cuba  was  regarded  as  an  equally  natural  and  necessary 
acquisition,  but  Spain  declined  to  part  with  so  valuable  a 
colony.  In  1825  the  French  government  made  overtures  for 
the  purchase  of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  which  caused  Mr.  Clay, 
then  secretary  of  state,  to  send  a  very  positive  dispatch  to 
Mr.  Brown,  the  American  minister  at  Paris,  in  which  he  said  : 
"With  the  hope  of  guarding  beforehand  against  any  possible 
difficulties  on  that  subject  that  may  arise,  you  will  now  add 
that  we  could  not  consent  to  the  occupation  of  those  islands  by 
any  other  European  power  than  Spain  under  any  contingency 
whatever." 

Mr.  Clay  was  assured  that  the  French  government  had  no 
desire  to  acquire  the  Spanish  possessions  in  America,  but  this 
did  not  allay  apprehensions,  and  their  possible  occupation  by 
France,  Germany,  or  England  was  a  familiar  topic  of  discus- 
sion for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  In  1848  President  Polk 
directed  our  minister  at  Madrid  to  negotiate  for  the  purchase 
of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Pico  by  the  United  States,  but  the  secre- 
tary of  foreign  affairs  replied  that  "  sooner  than  see  the  islands 
transferred  to  any  other  power  they  would  prefer  them  to  be 
sunk  in  the  ocean." 

The  history  of  Cuba  is  the  recital  of  a  series  of  political  dla- 


100  THE  UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN    POWERS. 

turbances,  and  the  revolutions  which  have  continually  agi- 
1  and  impoverished  the  people  by  requiring  them  to 
sustain  a  large  standing  army,  have  frequently  been  organized 
by  Cuban  conspirators,  who  have  found  a  temporary  asylum  in 
the  United  States.  Although  our  government  has  consistently 
endeavored  to  prevent  these  disturbances,  they  have  been  a 
constant  source  of  irritation.  In  1852  when  Mr.  Fillmore 
was  President  and  Mr.  "Webster  secretary  of  state,  it  was  pro- 
posed that  the  United  States  should  enter  into  a  treaty  with 
England  and  France,  disclaiming  forever  any  intention  to 
obtain  possession  of  Cuba,  and  pledge  themselves  to  assist 
Spain  in  sustaining  her  authority  over  the  island. 

The  governments  of  Great  Britain  and  France  asserted  their 
adherence  to  the  principle  enunciated  by  Mr.  Clay  in  1825 
against  the  occupation  of  the  island  by  any  other  power  than 
Spain,  and  argued  that  if  the  United  States  would  enter  into  a 
perpetual  obligation  to  sustain  the  Spanish  authority,  that 
government  would  be  relieved  of  great  expense  in  maintain- 
ing an  army  in  Cuba,  and  could  thus  more  easily  meet  her 
engagements  with  her  French  and  English  creditors.  But  the 
United  States  declined  to  enter  into  the  treaty  on  the  broad 
ground  that  the  oldest  tradition  of  this  government  was  an 
aversion  to  political  alliances  with  European  powers,  and  in 
1854  President  Pierce  instructed  Mr.  Soule,  Mr.  Buchanan,  and 
Mr.  Mason,  our  ministers  to  Madrid,  London,  and  Paris,  to 
renew  negotiations  for  the  purchase  of  Cuba.  They  met  at 
Ostend  and  drew  up  a  form  of  agreement,  which  was,  how- 
ever, never  formally  presented  to  Spain,  for  at  the  meeting  of 
the  Spanish  Cortes  not  many  weeks  after,  the  subject  was 
alluded  to,  and  the  Spanish  prime  minister,  in  reply  to  an 
inquiry,  declared  that  "to  part  with  Cuba  would  be  to  part 
with  the  national  honor."  As  this  sentiment  was  approved 
by  a  vote  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  it  was  considered  im- 
politic to  submit  a  proposition  that  was  certain  of  rejection. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  101 

In  1859  the  subject  was  revived  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  by  Senator  Slidell  of  Louisiana,  who  introduced  a  bill 
appropriating  $30,000,000  for  the  purchase  of  Cuba.  An  ani- 
mated discussion  followed,  but  the  bill  was  not  acted  upon. 

There  have  been  several  similar  propositions  since  introduced 
in  Congress,  and  our  ministers  to  Spain  have  frequently,  under 
instructions,  approached  the  Spanish  government  on  the  sub- 
ject, but  without  success.* 

The  Maximilian  Episode  in  Mexico. 

The  most  vigorous  application  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  in 
recent  years  was  when  the  French  government  attempted  to 
establish  and  maintain  a  monarchy  in  Mexico.  In  1861  Benito 
Juarez,  having  become  President  of  Mexico,  instituted  a  series 
of  reforms  which  were  directed  chiefly  against  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  They  were  intended  to  destroy  the  influence 
of  the  priesthood,  which  was  alleged  to  be  against  the  progress 
and  development  of  the  country  and  the  education  of  the 
people.  All  the  religious  orders  were  expelled,  the  parish 
schools  were  closed,  and  the  property  of  the  church,  valued  at 
over  $300,000,000,  was  confiscated  for  the  benefit  of  the  govern- 
ment. Since  the  independence  of  the  republic  was  achieved 
there  had  been  a  constant  warfare  between  the  clerical  or  con- 
servative party  with  monarchical  tendencies,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  liberal,  or  progressive  party  on  the  other, 
which  resulted  in  a  series  of  most  disastrous  and  bloody 
revolutions,  and  such  frequent  changes  of  government  that 
there  were  thirty-six  rulers  in  Mexico  within  a  term  of  thirty- 
three  years.  Juarez  was  the  first  President  of  the  republic 
who  was  permitted  to  retain  the  office  to  the  end  of  the  term 
for  which  he  was  elected. 

The  governments  of  Great  Britain,  Spain,  and  France  pre- 
sented to  the  Juarez  administration  large  claims  for  damages 

*  More  recent  events  relating  to  Cuba  are  discussed  on  page  208,  chapter  xiv. 


102  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

alleged  to  have  been,  suffered  by  their  subjects  in  Mexico 
during  these  revolutions,  which  he  refused  to  pay;  and  in  1SG1 
a  joint  convention  was  held  in  London,  at  which  it  was 
determined  to  take  possession  of  the  Mexican  customs  houses 
and  apply  the  revenues  toward  the  payment  of  the  claims. 
In  January,  18G2,  British,  French,  and  Spanish  troops  were 
landed  at  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz,  but  it  was  soon  after  arranged 
to  settle  the  English  and  Spanish  claims  by  diplomatic  negoti- 
ations, and  the  forces  of  those  governments  were  at  once  with- 
drawn. But  Napoleon  III.  refused  to  accept  the  terms  of 
settlement  and,  at  the  solicitation  of  Mexican  exiles  of  the 
clerical  party  in  France,  declared  war  against  the  Juarez 
government.  His  purpose  to  occupy  Mexico  permanently 
and  restore  a  monarchy  there,  was  soon  disclosed,  but  it  is 
the  prevailing  opinion  that  the  French  emperor  would  never 
have  committed  himself  to  this  unfortunate  undertaking  had 
he  not  believed  that  the  leaders  of  the  Confederacy  would 
be  successful  in  their  design  to  dissolve  the  Union  of  the 
United  States. 

Although  this  government  was  involved  in  the  greatest  war 
of  modern  times,  President  Lincoln  immediately  asserted  his 
adherence  to  the  Monroe  doctrine  and  solemnly  protested 
against  the  invasion  of  the  American  continent  by  a  European 
power.  The  French  government  was  equally  serious  in  its 
assurances  that  the  only  purpose  of  its  army  in  Mexico  was 
to  enforce  reparation  for  losses  sustained  by  its  subjects ;  and 
the  United  States  for  the  time  being  was  powerless  to  inter- 
fere. After  a  series  of  engagements  the  French  army  occupied 
the  city  of  Mexico,  and  summoned  a  "  Congress  of  Notables  " 
— leading  citizens  belonging  to  the  church  party — to  organize 
a  government.  This  assembly  proclaimed  a  hereditary  mon- 
archy, under  a  Iloman  Catholic  emperor,  and  the  crown  was 
accepted  by  the  Archduke  Maximilian  of  Austria,  in  1SG3. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  103 

Mr.  Seward,  then  secretary  of  state,  promptly  protested  in 
the  name  of  the  United  States,  on  the  ground  that  the  people 
of  Mexico  favored  a  republican  form  of  government  of 
domestic  origin,  and  that  it  was  essential  to  the  progress  of 
civilization  on  the  American  continent.  lie  was  sustained  by 
our  Congress,  which,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  passed  a 
resolution  declaring  that  "it  does  not  accord  with  the  policy  of 
the  United  States  to  acknowledge  any  monarchical  govern- 
ment erected  on  the  ruins  of  any  republican  government  in 
America,  under  the  auspices  of  any  European  power." 

The  passage  of  this  resolution  created  great  excitement  in 
France,  and  war  seemed  imminent,  but  the  United  States  was 
not  then  in  a  condition  to  enforce  its  declaration,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  be  a  passive  witness  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Mexican 
republic.  At  the  close  of  our  Civil  War,  however,  Mr.  Bigelow, 
the  United  States  minister  to  France,  was  instructed  to  de- 
mand the  immediate  -withdrawal  of  the  French  troops  from 
the  territory  of  Mexico.  It  has  been  asserted  that  he  gave  an 
assurance  that  the  authority  of  Maximilian  would  be  recog- 
nized if  this  was  done,  but  this  assurance  was  promptly  dis- 
approved by  the  President,  and  the  demand  was  renewed 
without  any  conditions  or  qualifications,  and  Mr.  Seward 
instructed  the  American  minister  to  inform  the  French  gov- 
ernment : 

"  1.  That  the  United  States  earnestly  desire  to  continue  and 
cultivate  sincere  friendship  with  France. 

"2.  That  this  policy  will  be  brought  into  immediate  jeop- 
ardy unless  France  can  deem  it  consistent  with  her  interest 
and  honor  to  desist  from  the  prosecution  of  armed  intervention 
in  Mexico  to  overthrow  the  domestic  republican  government 
existing  there,  and  to  establish  upon  its  ruins  the  foreign  mon- 
archy which  has  been  attempted  to  be  inaugurated  at  the 
capital  of  that  country." 


101  TJIK  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

To  emphasize  the  declarations  of  this  government,  General 
Sheridan  was  sent  to  the  southwestern  frontier  with  a  large 
portion  of  the  army  that  had  been  engaged  in  the  Civil  War, 
and  on  the  5th  of  April,  L866,  the  French  emperor  ordered  his 
troops  to  evacuate  Mexico.  Being  left  to  his  own  resources 
the  ill-fated  Maximilian  was  soon  overcome.  He  appealed  to 
Napoleon,  to  Austria,  and  to  the  pope,  without  success,  and  in 
June,  18G7,  was  captured  and  shot. 

The  Northwest  Boundary  Dispute. 

The  occupation  of  the  northern  portion  of  the  continent 
of  North  America  by  Great  Britain  and  Russia  was  a  source  of 
great  irritation  to  the  United  States  during  the  first  half  of 
the  present  century,  and  the  limits  and  boundaries  of  the 
territory  acquired  by  purchase  from  France  and  Spain  were  so 
indefinite  as  to  be  the  cause  of  constant  friction.  By  a  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  signed  in  1S18 
and  renewed  in  1S27,  all  disputed  territory  was  left  free  and 
open  to  citizens  of  both  nations.  Finally,  in  1846  the  49th 
parallel  of  north  latitude  was  fixed  as  the  boundary  lino 
between  the  United  States  and  the  British  possessions.  There 
was  some  earnest  discussion  in  this  country  as  to  the  applica- 
tion of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  the  forcible  annexation  of 
Canada  and  British  Columbia  to  the  United  States  was  fre- 
quently suggested,  but  it  was  maintained  by  the  conservative 
sentiment  of  the  people  that  the  spirit  of  that  doctrine  only 
applied  to  the  invasion  of  the  American  continent  by  Euro- 
pean powers,  and  the  extension  of  foreign  authority,  and  as 
stated  by  Mr.  Monroe  not  to  the  peaceable  occupation  of  terri- 
tory already  occupied. 

Early  in  the  century  claims  were  made  by  the  United  States 
to  the  entire  Pacific  coast  from  Bering  Strait  southward  to 
and  beyond  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River,  and  in  1S21  the 
government  of  Russia  created  some  consternation  by  asserting 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE.  105 

its  territorial  rights  as  far  south  as  the  51st  degree  of  north 
latitude.  Both  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were 
emphatic  in  their  expressions  of  dissent,  and  diplomatic 
correspondence  on  this  subject  continued  for  several  years 
until  the  boundaries  between  Alaska  and  British  Columbia 
were  determined  by  a  treaty  signed  at  St.  Petersburg  in  1825. 
In  1865  tbese  boundaries  were  recognized  by  the  United  States 
by  the  j)urchase  of  the  territory  of  Alaska  from  Kussia  for  the 
sum  of  $7,200,000. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  in  Santo  Domingo. 
The  Monroe  doctrine  was  again  invoked  to  protect  the 
republic  of  Santo  Domingo  against  the  designs  of  Spain. 
That  island,  upon  which  was  established  the  first  civilized 
government  in  the  new  world,  was  a  Spanish  colony  until 
it  was  ceded  to  France  in  1795,  but  in  18-14  it  achieved  its  in- 
dependence under  the  influence  of  that  remarkable  negro, 
Toussaint  L'Ouverture.  In  1S61  a  revolutionary  leader  by  the 
name  of  Pedro  Santana  overthrew  the  legitimate  government, 
and  proclaiming  himself  dictator,  invited  Spain  to  resume  its 
ancient  relations  with  the  island.  A  few  Spanish  troops  were 
sent  over  to  sustain  Santana,  but  the  government  at  Madrid 
was  very  much  engaged  with  its  own  domestic  disturbances, 
and  never  attempted  to  take  formal  possession.  The  people  of 
the  republic  applied  to  the  United  States  for  aid  and  protection, 
but  being  occupied  with  the  war  the  government  could  do 
no  more  than  offer  sympathy  and  forward  a  remonstrance 
to  the  king  of  Spain.  As  a  result  the  Spanish  army  was  with- 
drawn from  Santo  Domingo  in  July,  1865,  and  the  Santo 
Dominicans  proclaimed  that  "the  United  Dominican  people, 
without  regard  to  rank  or  color,  have  planted  the  white  cross 
of  the  republic  on  the  principle  enunciated  by  the  Great  Mother 
of  free  nations,  that  America  belongs  to  the  Americans,  and  we 
will  endure  all  our  trials  over  again  sooner  than  desert  it." 


IOC  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN   FOWERS. 

In  1SG4  a  war  broke  out  between  Spain  and  ber  former  colo- 
nies on  tbe  west  coast  of  South  America.  Tt  was  caused  by  the 
forcible  seizure  by  Spain  of  the  Chinca  Islands,  which  were 
rich  with  guano,  to  indemnify  certain  Spanish  residents  in 
Feru  for  losses  Buffered  during  a  revolution  in  tbe  latter 
country.  Tbe  citizens  of  tbe  United  States  residing  in  Peru 
called  a  meeting,  which  was  attended  by  tbe  subjects  of  other 
nations,  and  passed  a  series  of  indignant  resolutions,  embody- 
ing tbe  principles  of  tbe  Monroe  doctrine,  and  calling  upon 
the  United  States  government  to  enforce  tbem  as  "tbe  safe- 
guard and  only  defense  of  tbe  sister  republics  of  tins  conti- 
nent." Tbe  neighboring  republics  of  Ecuador,  Bolivia,  and 
Chili  joined  with  Feru  in  a  treaty  of  offense  and  defense 
against  Spain,  and  tbe  fleet  of  tbe  latter  nation  responded  by 
bombarding  Valparaiso  on  March  31,  1866.  Tbe  United  States 
entered  a  remonstrance,  hostilities  were  suspended,  and  a 
peace  conference  was  held  at  Washington,  which  was  presided 
over  by  Hamilton  Fish.  Its  deliberations  resulted  in  a  treaty 
for  a  permanent  armistice,  which  "  cannot  be  broken  by  any 
of  the  belligerents,  until  three  years  after  express  and  explicit 
notification  shall  have  been  given  by  one  to  the  other  of  tbe 
intention  to  renew  hostilities.  In  such  case  notification  must 
be  made  through  the  government  of  tbe  United  States." 

In  1894,  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela,  having  become  in- 
volved in  a  serious  controversy  over  the  boundary  line  between 
the  latter  country  and  the  British  colony  of  Guiana,  President 
Cleveland  intervened  by  invoking  tbe  Monroe  Doctrine,  and 
appointed  a  commission  to  investigate  and  report  upon  the 
subject.  Before  tbe  commission  concluded  its  work  tbe  Brit- 
ish Government  consented  to  submit  tbe  dispute  to  a  Court  of 
Arbitration,  which  met  in  Paris  in  May,  1899. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

NEGOTIATIONS  FOB  AN  INTEROCEANIC  CANAL. 

The  great  purpose  of  all  the  early  explorers  in  American 
waters  was  to  discover  a  western  passage  from  Europe  to 
India,  China,  and  other  countries  of  the  East.  The  Portu- 
guese voyagers  found  a  pathway  around  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  and,  when  Columbus  started  from  Palos  upon  his 
memorable  voyage,  he  had  no  expectation  of  finding  a  new 
world,  but  sought  only  to  demonstrate  the  accuracy  of  the 
theory  that  the  world  was  round,  and  that  India  could  be 
reached  by  sailing  westward  as  well  as  to  the  east.  On  his  last 
and  most  disastrous  voyage  he  cruised  up  and  down  the  north- 
ern coast  of  Central  America,  searching  each  inlet  and  creek 
and  bay  for  the  navigable  passage  his  genius  taught  him 
should  be  there,  but  which  nature,  by  some  Titanic  convul- 
sion, had  closed  ages  before  his  time. 

The  discovery  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and  the  circum- 
navigation of  the  globe  by  the  seamen  who  followed  Columbus 
proved  the  truth  of  his  theories,  but  the  enormous  distance 
that  must  be  sailed  before  the  Pacific  Ocean  could  be  entered 
made  it  necessary  to  shorten  the  route  by  artificial  means. 
As  early  as  1513,  when  the  Pacific  Ocean  was  discovered  by 
Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  a  proposition  for  a  canal  through  the 
isthmus  was  made,  but  several  years  passed  before  the 
Spaniards  abandoned  the  attempt  to  find  a  natural  channel 
across  the  continent.     As  late  as  1523,  Emperor  Charles  V.  ad- 

107 


108  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

monisbed  Cortez  to  search  carefully  along  the  western  as  "well 
as  the  eastern  shores  of  New  Spain  for  what  was  termed,  El 
eecreto  del  estrecho — the  secret  of  the  straits. 

In  1528,  however,  the  fact  that  no  passage  existed  became 
very  well  established,  and  a  Commission  of  Engineers  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  court  of  Spain  to  consider  a  plan  for  artificial 
water  communication  across  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  (Panama), 
but  there  is  no  record  of  further  action  until  1534,  when  Charles 
V.  instructed  the  governor  of  Panama  (see  map,  page  48)  to 
make  an  exploration  and  report  the  result.  The  governor, 
Pascual  Andagoya,  replied  that  the  scheme  was  impracticable, 
but  in  1540  the  investigation  was  resumed  under  the  direction 
of  Philip  II.,  and  Bautiste  Antonelli  reported  in  favor  of  a 
canal  across  Nicaragua  (see  map,  page  111).  In  1550  Antonio 
Galvao  proposed  four  different  routes,  of  which  he  considered 
that  across  Nicaragua  the  most  practicable,  and  the  subject 
was  extensively  discussed,  but  the  superstitious  monks,  who 
still  controlled  the  policy  of  Spain,  condemned  the  plan  as 
contrary  to  the  will  of  the  Divine  Providence  that  had  placed 
a  barrier  there  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  seas. 

The  project  was  frequently  revived,  not  only  in  Spain  but  in 
other  parts  of  Europe,  and  finally  in  1695,  William  Patterson, 
the  founder  of  the  Bank  of  England,  organized  the  first 
company  that  was  ever  established  to  construct  an  inter- 
oceanic  canal.  Money  was  freely  subscribed  in  England,  Hol- 
land, Belgium,  and  other  European  countries,  and  a  colony  of 
twelve  hundred  men  in  five  ships  sailed  to  the  isthmus  from 
Leith,  Scotland,  in  July,  1698,  to  commence  work.  Spain 
sent  a  fleet  and  an  army  to  prevent  the  enterprise,  and,  after 
four  months  of  resistance  and  distress,  the  colonists  surren- 
dered, and  returned  to  England. 

Various  subsequent  attempts  were  made  to  undertake  the 
work,  with  no  better  success,  and  it  was  not  until  after  the 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  AN  INTEROCEANIC  CANAL.  109 

republic  of  New  Granada  (Colombia)  had  achieved  its  inde- 
pendence that  even  a  scientific  survey  was  made  to  determine 
a  route  for  a  canal.  Then,  in  1827,  Simon  Bolivar  employed 
two  English  engineers,  who  spent  two  years  on  the  isthmus, 
and  reported  in  favor  of  the  route  that  was  afterwards  adopted 
for  the  line  of  the  Panama  railway.  In  1838  the  government 
of  New  Granada  gave  a  concession  to  a  French  company  to 
construct  the  canal,  but  they  did  no  more  than  make  a  survey. 

The  project  was  first  proposed  in  this  country  in  1825  by 
Antonio  Jose  Caflaz,  minister  at  Washington  from  the  repub- 
lic of  Central  America,  who,  in  the  name  of  his  government, 
invited  the  United  States  to  undertake  the  construction  of  a 
canal  across  Nicaragua.  Henry  Clay,  who  was  then  secretary 
of  state,  replied  in  a  communication  that  stands  as  one  of  the 
noblest  state  papers  ever  issued  from  the  Executive  Department 
of  this  government,  accepting  the  invitation  and  announcing 
that  the  United  States  minister  to  Central  America  had  been 
instructed  to  make  the  necessary  examination.  Mr.  Williams, 
the  minister,  reported  favorably  on  the  subject,  and  the  result 
was  the  formation  of  a  company,  under  a  charter  from  Con- 
gress, to  construct  the  canal.  DeWitt  Clinton,  then  governor 
of  New  York,  and  the  father  of  the  Erie  Canal,  was  the  most 
conspicuous  member  of  the  corporation,  which  secured  a  con- 
cession from  the  government  of  Central  America  and  made 
a  series  of  surveys,  but  was  unable  to  obtain  the  necessary 
capital. 

This  company  having  dissolved,  the  king  of  the  Netherlands 
agreed  to  undertake  the  work,  but  the  dissolution  of  the  Cen- 
tral American  Confederacy  caused  him  to  abandon  the  project. 

No  further  action  was  taken  by  the  government  of  the 
United  States  until  1835,  when  Congress  passed  a  resolution 
directing  the  President  to  open  negotiations  with  the  govern- 
ments of  New  Granada  and  Central  America  for  the  purpose 


110  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

of  securing  treaty  stipulations  for  such  individuals  or  com- 
panies as  might  undertake  the  construction  of  a  ship  canal 
across  the  isthmus.  On  the  first  of  March  following,  Presi- 
dent Jackson  appointed  Charles  H.  Biddle  of  Philadelphia  as 
commissioner  to  confer  with  the  authorities  of  Colombia  and 
Central  America,  and  to  make  such  investigations  as  Mere 
necessary  fully  to  inform  the  government  on  the  subject.  Mr. 
Biddle  visited  Central  America,  but  died  shortly  after  his 
return  to  the  United  States,  leaving  a  partially  completed 
report,  which  pronounced  the  Panama  route  impracticable. 

In  1838  a  memorial  was  submitted  to  Congress  by  citizens  of 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  for  a  renewal  of  the  negotiations, 
and  the  committee  on  roads  and  canals  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives made  an  elaborate  report  on  the  subject,  which  was 
illustrated  by  maps,  charts,  plans,  and  profiles  showing  the 
several  proposed  routes  and  discussing  their  respective  ad- 
vantages. The  report  concluded  with  a  resolution  requesting 
the  President  to  reopen  negotiations ;  it  was  adopted  by  the 
House,  but  no  further  action  was  taken. 

In  1839,  however,  Mr.  John  L.  Stephens,  accompanied  by 
Mr.  Catherwood,  a  skillful  artist  and  draughtsman,  was  sent 
to  Central  America,  ostensibly  to  visit  the  ruined  cities  there, 
but  really  to  make  a  confidential  report  to  the  President  on  the 
subject  of  an  interoceanic  canal.  In  Nicaragua  he  met  Lieu- 
tenant Bailey  of  the  British  Royal  Engineers,  who  had  sur- 
veyed a  canal  route  for  the  Nicaraguan  government,  and 
secured  from  him  copies  of  all  his  reports  and  maps,  which 
were  afterwards  submitted  to  Congress  ;  but  owing  to  the  un- 
settled condition  of  political  afl'airs  in  Central  America,  the 
negotiations  were  postponed. 

In  1848,  during  the  negotiations  that  followed  the  war  with 
Mexico  and  resulted  in  the  annexation  of  New  Mexico  and 
Arizona  to  the  United  States,  it  was  proposed  to  purchase  a 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  AN  INTEKOCEANIC  CANAL. 


Ill 


right  of  way  for  a  canal  or  railway  across  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  but  the  offer  was  rejected  by  the  Mexican 
authorities. 

During  the  same  year  a  treaty,  which  is  still  in  force,  was 
negotiated  with  New  Granada,  under  which  the  United 
States  was  guaranteed  the  right  of  free  transit  across  the  Isth- 
mus of  Panama,  and  permission  to  construct  a  railway  or 
canal  or  any  other  means  of  transportation  under  the  same 
rights  and  privileges  that  might  be  enjoyed  by  the  citizens 
of  that  country. 


About  this  time 
occurred  the  inci- 
dent of  the  occu- 
pation of  the  city  of 
Grey  town,  N  i  c  a  - 
ragua,  by  the  Brit- 
i  s  h  government, 
and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  protec- 
torate over  the  Mos- 
quito  Indians, 
which  led  to  the 
negotiation  of  the 
Clayto  n-Bulwer 
treaty.  The  cir- 
cumstances are 
fully  related  in  the 
chapter  on  the  Mon- 
roe doctrine  (page 
93). 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  the  government  of  Nica- 
ragua granted  a  concession  for  the  construction  of  a  canal 
to  Cornelius  Vanderbilt  and  his  associates,  under  the  corporate 


112  THE  UNITED   STATES    /OTD   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

name  of  the  American  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Ship  Canal 
Company,  and  a  survey  was  made  by  the  United  States 
Topographical  Engineer  Corps,  under  the  direction  of  this 
government. 

The  discovery  of  gold  in  California  had  greatly  stimulated 
public  interest  in  the  canal  question,  and  the  immense  traffic 
across  the  isthmus,  made  necessary  by  the  lack  of  transporta- 
tion facilities  overland,  caused  the  organization  in  New  York 
of  a  company,  under  the  leadership  of  General  Aspinwall,  for 
the  construction  of  a  railway  between  the  two  oceans.  A  con- 
cession was  obtained  from;  New  Granada,  with  a  stipulation 
on  the  part  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  that 
it  would  guarantee  free  and  uninterrupted  traffic  across  the 
isthmus,  and  the  protection  of  the  property  of  the  company. 
The  road  was  constructed  and  is  still  in  operation,  but  the 
project  of  building  a  canal  was  not  abandoned,  although  the 
Vanderbilt  Company  did  not  undertake  the  work.  From  1850 
to  1860  repeated  surveys  were  made  under  the  direction  of  the 
United  States  government,  covering  all  possible  routes  from 
the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  to  the  Isthmus  of  Darien 
(Panama),  and  several  canal  companies  were  organized,  but 
nothing  further  was  accomplished.  Soon  after,  the  Civil  War 
diverted  the  attention  of  the  public. 

When  General  Grant  became  President  he  revived  the  plan 
with  great  earnestness,  for  he  was  a  strong  advocate  of  the 
practicability  and  necessity  of  an  interoceanic  canal.  Several 
expeditions  were  organized  under  his  direction,  and  both  mili- 
tary and  naval  engineers  were  engaged  in  the  search  for  a 
more  economical  route  than  had  hitherto  been  discovered.  A 
new  treaty  was  negotiated  with  Colombia  for  the  construction 
of  a  canal  by  the  United  States  government  across  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama,  and  was  submitted  to  the  Senate  in  1870,  but 
failed  of  ratification.    President  Grant  was  not  discouraged, 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  AN  INTEROCEANIC  CANAL.  113 

but  in  1872  appointed  a  commission  to  take  the  subject  again 
under  consideration,  which  ordered  new  surveys  and  reported 
three  years  later  in  favor  of  the  Nicaragua  route. 

The  report  of  the  commission  was  submitted  to  Congress  by 
President  Hayes,  but  no  action  was  taken. 

The  government  of  Colombia,  having  taken  offense  at  the 
report  of  this  commission  in  favor  of  a  canal  across  Nicaragua 
by  way  of  the  River  San  Juan  and  Lakes  Nicaragua  and 
Managua,  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  French  govern- 
ment, and  granted  a  concession  to  a  company,  of  which  Ferdi- 
nand de  Lesseps,  who  had  just  completed  the  Suez  Canal,  was 
president,  to  construct  a  canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 
This  company  immediately  organized  and  commenced  oper- 
ations, but  the  undertaking  was  regarded  with  great  disfavor 
in  the  United  States,  and  several  resolutions  were  proposed  in 
Congress  asserting  that  the  Monroe  doctrine  was  a  cardinal 
principle  in  our  national  policy,  and  that  no  canal  across  the 
isthmus  could  be  permitted  unless  constructed  under  the  aus- 
pices and  protection  of  the  United  States.  The  committee  on 
foreign  affairs  of  the  House  of  Representatives  made  an  elabo- 
rate report  on  the  subject,  in  which  they  held  that  the  construc- 
tion of  a  water  way  upon  the  American  continent  by  foreign 
capital,  under  the  charter  of  a  foreign  government,  was  in 
violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  that  the 
United  States  "would  assert  and  maintain  control  over  any 
such  water  way  by  whomsoever  constructed  so  far  as  was 
necessary  to  protect  its  national  interest,  means  of  defense, 
unity,  and  safety,  and  to  advance  the  prosperity  and  augment 
the  commerce  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  States  of  the  Union." 

President  Hayes,  in  transmitting  to  Congress  various  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  subject,  expressed  the  sentiment  of  the 
country  in  his  message  when  he  said  : 

"1.    The  policy  of  this  country  is  a  canal  under  American 


114  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

control.  If  existing  treaties  or  the  rights  of  sovereignty  or 
property  of  other  nations  stand  in  the  way  of  this  policy, 
negotiations  should  he  entered  into  to  establish  the  American 
policy  consistently  with  the  rights  of  the  nations  to  be  affected 
by  it. 

"2.  The  capital  invested  in  the  enterprise  must  look  for 
protection  to  one  or  more  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world. 
No  European  power  can  be  allowed  to  intervene  for  such  pro- 
tection. The  United  States  '  must  exercise  such  control  as  will 
enable  this  country  to  protect  its  national  interests  and  main- 
tain the  rights  of  those  whose  private  capital  is  embarked 
in  the  work.' 

"  3.  Such  a  canal  would  virtually  be  '  a  part  of  the  coast  line 
of  the  United  States'  ;  and  its  relations  to  this  country  'are 
matters  of  paramount  concern  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  No  other  great  power  would,  under  similar  circum- 
stances, fail  to  assert  a  rightful  control  over  a  work  so  closely 
and  vitally  affecting  its  interest  and  welfare.'  " 

President  Garfield,  in  his  inaugural  address,  alluding  to  the 
De  Lesseps  enterprise,  said  :  "We  shall  urge  no  narrow  policy, 
nor  seek  peculiar  or  exclusive  privileges  in  any  commercial 
route  ;  but,  in  the  language  of  my  predecessor,  I  believe  it 
to  be  '  the  right  and  duty  of  the  United  States  to  assert  and 
maintain  such  supervision  and  authority  over  any  inter- 
oceanic  canal  across  the  isthmus  that  connects  North  and 
South  America  as  will  protect  our  national  interests.'  " 

One  of  the  first  state  papers  of  the  Garfield  administration 
was  devoted  to  this  subject  and  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Lowell, 
the  United  States  minister  to  England. 

It  asserted  that  this  government  did  not  desire  exclusive 
privileges  for  American  ships  in  time  of  peace  and  would  not 
interfere  with  the  enterprise  as  a  commercial  one,  but  would 
insist  that  the  political  control  of  the  canal  must  be  in  this 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  AN  INTEROCEANIC  CANAL.  115 

country,  for  the  reason  that  the  possessions  of  the  United 
States  upon  the  Pacific  coast  are  imperial  in  extent  and  would 
supply  the  larger  part  of  the  traffic.  Nor  would  the  United 
States  consent  to  an  agreement  hetween  the  powers  of  Europe 
to  guarantee  the  neutrality  and  control  of  the  political  charac- 
ter of  the  canal,  on  the  ground  that  such  an  agreement  affect- 
ing the  political  condition  or  the  commerce  of  the  American 
continent  would  be  attended  with  danger  to  the  peace  and 
welfare  of  this  nation.  "  The  position  of  the  United  States  on 
this  question,"  the  paper  continued,  "had  been  long  and  well 
understood,  and  the  principles  of  the  doctrine  which  had  been 
enunciated  a  century  before  are  familiarly  interwoven  into  our 
national  policy." 

Earl  Granville  replied  that  the  position  of  England  toward 
the  canal  was  based  upon  the  terms  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty  ;  but  this  government  retorted  that  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty  was  made  thirty  years  before,  under  conditions  that 
were  temporary  in  their  nature,  and  that  the  remarkable 
development  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States  required 
modifications  ill  the  terms,  which  practically  conceded  to 
Great  Britain  the  control  of  any  canal  that  might  be  con- 
structed. The  fact  that  Great  Britain  maintains  a  vast  naval 
armament,  gave  that  country  an  advantage  over  the  United 
States  which  would  be  decisive  in  case  of  a  possible  struggle 
for  the  control  of  the  water  way,  because  the  treaty  binds  this 
government  not  to  use  military  force,  while  it  leaves  the 
naval  power  of  Great  Britain  free  and  unrestrained.  If  no 
American  army  was  to  be  allowed  on  the  isthmus,  no  war 
vessels  of  Europe  would  be  permitted  to  control  the  waters 
at  either  entrance  of  the  canal.  The  United  States,  it  was 
argued,  was  simply  seeking  to  defend  its  interests  as  Great 
Britain  defended  hers,  and  it  would  be  equally  reasonable 
for  the  United   States  to  demand  a  share  in  the  fortifica.- 


116  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN  POWERS. 

tions  that  commanded  the  Suez  Canal  as  for  Great  Britain  to 
make  a  similar  demand  in  reference  to  the  canal  across  the 
isthmus.  Great  Britain,  therefore,  should  not  object  to  the 
United  States  assuming  absolute  control  of  any  canal  which 
shall  unite  the  two  oceans,  and  which  this  government  will 
always  regard  and  treat  as  a  part  of  our  coast  line. 

The  United  States  then  proposed  a  modification  of  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  in  five  particulars  as  follows  : 

(1)  Every  part  which  forbids  the  United  States  fortifying 
the  canal  and  holding  the  political  control  of  it  in  conjunction 
with  the  country  in  which  it  is  located,  to  be  canceled. 

(2)  Every  part  in  which  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  agree  to  make  no  acquisition  of  territory  in  Central 
America,  to  remain  in  full  force. 

(3)  No  objection  to  maintaining  the  clause  looking  to  the 
establishment  of  a  free  port  at  each  end  of  the  proposed  canal. 

(4)  The  clause  to  the  effect  that  treaty  stipulations  should  be 
made  for  a  joint  protectorate  of  any  railway  or  canal  never 
having  been  perfected,  to  be  regarded  as  obsolete. 

(5)  The  distance  from  either  end  of  the  canal  where,  in  time 
of  war,  captures  might  be  made,  to  be  as  liberal  as  possible. 

The  correspondence  was  continued  for  several  years,  Great 
Britain  holding  that  the  declarations  of  the  United  States 
were  distinctly  at  variance  with  the  terms  of  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty. 

In  the  meantime  work  was  commenced  upon  the  Panama 
Canal  and  continued  until  the  funds  of  the  company  were  ex- 
hausted, -when  it  was  abandoned  for  lack  of  capital.  During 
the  intervening  years  another  company  was  organized  in  the 
United  States,  with  General  Grant  as  president,  for  the  con- 
struction of  a  canal  across  Nicaragua.  A  charter  -was  sought 
from  Congress  and  a  new  concession  was  obtained  from  Nica- 
ragua, but  it  was  found   impossible   to  raise  the  necessary 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  AN  IXTEROCEANIC  CANAL.  117 

capital.  The  next  step  was  the  negotiation  in  1884  of  a  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua  for  the  construction 
of  a  canal  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  along  a 
route  located  by  Mr.  A.  G.  Menocal,  an  engineer  of  the  navy. 
This  treaty  was  submitted  to  the  Senate  by  President  Arthur  ; 
and  its  terms  were  as  follows  : 

The  canal  was  to  be  built  by  the  United  States,  and  to  be 
owned  jointly  by  the  United  States  and  Nicaragua. 

The  United  States  was  to  protect  perpetually  the  integrity  of 
the  territory  of  the  republic  of  Nicaragua. 

Privilege  was  given  the  United  States  to  construct  across  the 
territory  of  Nicaragua  a  railway  between  the  termini  of  the 
canal,  and  telegraph  lines,  in  its  discretion. 

A  belt  of  land  was  granted,  two  and  one  half  miles  wide,  of 
which  the  canal  was  the  central  line,  and  a  belt  two  and  one 
half  miles  wide  around  the  southern  end  of  the  lake. 

The  canal  was  exempted  from  taxation. 

The  United  States  was  to  have  exclusive  control  of  construc- 
tion. 

The  net  revenues  were  to  be  divided  between  the  owners  in 
the  proportion  of  one  third  to  Nicaragua  and  two  thirds  to  the 
United  States,  and  accounts  were  to  be  liquidated  quarterly. 

The  United  States  was  to  loan  Nicaragua  $4,000,000  for 
works  of  internal  improvement,  to  be  refunded  out  of  Nica- 
ragua's share  of  the  revenues. 

The  treaty  was  laid  before  the  Senate,  but  failed  of  ratifica- 
tion under  the  two-thirds  rule,  and  shortly  after,  it  was  with- 
drawn. 

In  October,  1886,  a  meeting  of  persons  interested  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  canal  was  called  at  New  York,  and  a  new 
company  was  organized  which  sought  a  charter  from  Congress. 
In  the  meantime  Captain  Eads  had  obtained  a  concession 
from  Mexico  for  a  ship  railway  across  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuan- 


118  THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

tcpcc,  and  had  introduced  into  Congress  a  bill  providing  for  the 
charter  of  his  company.  The  antagonism  between  the  two 
interests  delayed  both  bills  so  that  they  were  not  acted  upon, 
but  in  March,  18S7,  the  new  Nicaragua  company  sent  Mr. 
Menocal  to  Nicaragua  to  obtain  a  new  concession  in  their 
behalf,  which  was  ratified  by  the  Nicaraguan  government  in 
April  of  that  year.  At  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December, 
a  bill  for  the  incorporation  of  the  Maritime  Canal  Company  of 
Nicaragua  was  introduced,  and  reported  to  both  Houses  with 
a  favorable  recommendation.  Final  action  was  reached  in 
February,  1889,  and  the  bill,  approved  by  the  President,  be- 
came a  law.  A  construction  party  consisting  of  forty-seven 
engineers  and  their  assistants  was  immediately  sent  to  Nica- 
ragua and  work  was  begun. 

The  government  of  Costa  Rica  having  claimed  riparian 
rights  along  the  San  Juan  River  was  also  induced  to  grant 
a  concession  similar  to  that  already  secured  from  Nicaragua, 
and  the  work  began  under  most  favorable  conditions.  The 
harbor  at  Greytown,  which  had  long  been  useless,  was  im- 
proved by  the  erection  of  a  breakwater  and  pier,  and  a  railway 
was  constructed  some  distance  up  the  San  Juan  River  for  the 
use  of  the  canal  company,  which  is  now  actively  engaged  upon 
the  enterprise. 

In  the  summer  of  189,8  the  Government  of  Nicaragua  granted 
a  new  concession  to  Mr.  E.  F.  Cragin  of  Chicago  and  Edward 
Eyre  of  New  York,  to  take  effect  in  October,  1899.  Costa  Rica, 
however,  refused  to  ratify  it.  About  the  same  time  Congress 
authorized  the  President  to  appoint  a  commission,  which  he 
has  done,  to  negotiate  for  the  construction  of  the  canal  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PROPOSED  ANNEXATION  OF  SANTO  DOMINGO  AND  ST.  THOMAS. 
THE  REPUBLIC  OF  LIBERIA. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  episodes  in  our  diplomacy  and 
an  event  that  caused  a  serious  political  commotion,  was  the 
proposition  made  during  the  first  year  of  the  administration 
of  President  Grant,  to  annex  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo  to 
the  United  States.  Being  the  cradle  of  American  history,  the 
scene  of  the  first  civilized  settlement  in  the  new  world,  and 
for  half  a  century  the  center  of  affairs  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  there  has  always  been  a  sentimental  interest  attach- 
ing to  Santo  Domingo  that  has  not  been  felt  in  any  other  part 
of  our  continent.  Then,  too,  the  dramatic  and  furious  fight 
that  was  made  there  for  emancipation,  the  successful  issue 
of  the  struggle,  and  the  foundation  of  a  republic  of  black  men, 
for  black  men,  and  by  black  men,  have  made  the  soil  of  the 
picturesque  island  holy  ground  to  the  lovers  of  human  free- 
dom. 

"Soon  after  my  inauguration  as  President,"  said  General 
Grant  in  his  message  forwarded  to  Congress  in  1871,  "  I  was 
waited  upon  by  an  agent  of  President  Baez  with  a  proposition 
to  annex  the  republic  of  Santo  Domingo  to  the  United  States. 
This  gentleman  represented  the  capacity  of  the  island,  the 
desire  of  the  people,  and  their  character  and  habits,  about 
as  they  have  been    described  by  the    commissioners  whose 

119 


120  THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN   TOWERS. 

report  accompanies  this  message.  He  stated  further  that, 
1"  ing  weak  in  numbers  and  poor  in  purse,  they  were  not  capa- 
ble of  developing  their  great  resources,  that  the  people  had  no 
incentive  to  industry  on  account  of  lack  of  protection  for 
their  accumulations ;  and  that,  if  not  accepted  by  the  United 
States— with  institutions  which  they  loved  above  those  of 
any  other  nation— they  would  be  compelled  to  seek  protection 
elsewhere.  To  these  statements  I  made  no  reply,  and  gave  no 
indication  of  what  I  thought  of  the  proposition.  In  the 
course  of  time  I  was  waited  upon  by  a  second  gentleman  from 
Santo  Domingo,  who  made  the  same  representations,  and  who 
was  received  in  like  manner. 

"In  view  of  the  facts  which  had  been  laid  before  me,  and 
"with  an  earnest  desire  to  maintain  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
I  believed  that  I  would  be  derelict  in  my  duty  if  I  did  not 
take  measures  to  ascertain  the  exact  wish  of  the  government 
and  inhabitants  of  the  republic  of  Santo  Domingo  in  regard 
to  annexation,  and  communicate  the  information  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  Under  the  attending  circum- 
stances I  felt  that  if  I  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  this  appeal  I 
might,  in  the  future,  be  justly  charged  with  a  flagrant  neglect 
of  the  public  interests  and  an  utter  disregard  of  the  welfare  of 
a  downtrodden  race  praying  for  the  blessiugs  of  a  free  and 
strong  government,  and  for  protection  in  the  enjoyment  of  the 
fruits  of  their  own  industry." 

In  the  July  following,  General  Grant  sent  General  Babcock, 
his  private  secretary,  to  Santo  Domingo  upon  a  secret  mission. 
He  bore  a  letter  of  instructions  from  Secretary  Fish  to  ascer- 
tain the  facts  about  the  condition  of  the  government,  its 
standing  with  the  people,  the  financial  condition,  resources 
and  industries  of  the  island,  and  particularly  the  public  senti- 
ment with  reference  to  the  annexation  proposition.  His 
report  to  the  President  was  confidential,  and  has  never  been 


SANTO  DOMINGO  AND  ST.   THOMAS— LIBERIA. 


121 


made  public,  but  it  must  have  been  favorable,  for  within  a 
very  short  time  after  his  return  Secretary  Fish  negotiated  a 
treaty  with  an  agent  of  the  Dominican  government  by  which 
that  portion  of  the 


island  under  its  con- 
trol and  jurisdic- 
tion— not  including 
the  western  shore 
which  constitutes 
the  republic  of 
Hay ti  —  was  an- 
nexed to  the  United 
States.  The  area  of 
this  territory  was 
28,000  square  miles, 
equal  in  size  to  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
Rhode  Island  combined. 

There  was  also  a  separate  treaty  negotiated,  which  granted 
to  the  United  States  the  perpetual  lease  of  the  peninsula  and 
Bay  of  Samana,  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  island,  as  a  supply 
station  for  the  use  of  our  navy  in  the  West  Indies. 

In  his  message  to  the  Senate,  transmitting  this  treaty,  Gen- 
eral Grant  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  island,  if  properly 
cultivated,  would  yield  to  the  United  States  all  the  sugar, 
coffee,  tobacco,  and  other  tropical  products  that  would  be 
required  to  supply  the  needs  of  our  people,  and  would  cut  off 
at  least  a  hundred  million  dollars'  worth  of  our  imports  annu- 
ally. He  expressed  great  interest,  too,  in  the  benefits  which 
annexation  would  confer  upon  the  people  of  Santo  Domingo, 
who  for  years  had  been  plundered  by  thieves  and  adventurers. 

But  to  the  surprise  of  General  Grant,  when  the  annexation 
treaty  was  submitted  to  the  United  States  Senate,  it  was  re- 
jected by  a  tie  vote,  28  to  28,  although  a  two-thirds  vote  was 


122  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

required  for  its  ratification.  There  was  great  excitement  in 
political  circles,  for  some  of  the  most  famous  and  influential 
leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  including  Senator  Sumner, 
wire  determined  in  their  opposition  to  the  treaty.  It  was 
charged  that  there  were  large  private  interests  involved,  and 
that  the  treaty  was  intended  to  protect  and  enrich  a  few 
citizens  of  the  United  States  who  had  acquired  large  planta- 
tions in  Santo  Domingo,  and  to  enable  them  to  import  sugar, 
tobacco,  and  other  products  into  this  country  without  the 
payment  of  duty.  It  was  also  charged  that  the  people  of 
the  island  had  been  intimidated  to  obtain  their  consent  to 
annexation,  that  the  government  officials  had  been  bribed,  and 
that  all  forms  of  corruption  had  been  used  in  securing  the 
treaty. 

Although  the  treaty  was  rejected  by  the  Senate,  President 
Grant  was  not  discouraged.  In  his  annual  message  six  months 
later  he  called  attention  to  the  subject  again,  giving  new  and 
powerful  arguments  in  favor  of  the  acquisition  of  the  republic. 
"I  firmly  believe,"  he  said,  "that  the  moment  it  is  known 
that  the  United  States  has  entirely  abandoned  the  project 
of  occupying  as  a  part  of  its  own  territory  the  island  of  Santo 
Domingo,  a  free  port  will  be  negotiated  for  by  European 
nations  in  the  Bay  of  Samana,  and  a  large  commercial  city 
will  be  built  up,  to  which  we  will  be  tributary  without  re- 
ceiving corresponding  benefits."  He  recommended  that  a 
commission  be  appointed  to  negotiate  a  new  treaty. 

This  proposition  at  once  led  to  a  bitter  discussion  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  Mr.  Sumner  and  other  Reioublicans  lead- 
ing the  opposition.  Senator  Morton  of  Indiana  offered  a  reso- 
lution, which  was  adopted  by  the  Senate,  authorizing  the 
President  to  send  to  Santo  Domingo  such  a  commission  as 
he  had  proposed,  but  it  was  not  adopted  by  the  House  of 
Representatives  without  the  addition  of  an  amendment  de- 


SANTO  DOMINGO  AND  ST.  THOMAS— LIBERIA.  123 

claring  that  nothing  in  the  resolution  should  he  construed 
as  committing  Congress  to  the  annexation  policy. 

The  commission  which  went  to  Santo  Domingo  was  com- 
posed of  Benjamin  F.  Wade  of  Ohio,  Andrew  D.  "White  of  New 
York,  and  Samuel  G.  Howe  of  Massachusetts,  with  Frederick 
Douglass  and  Allan  A.  Burton  as  secretaries.  Robert  R.  Hitt, 
afterwards  assistant  secretary  of  state  and  now  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  was  one  of  the  stenographers. 
The  party  was  accompanied  by  several  scientific  men  in- 
structed to  investigate  the  resources  of  the  island.  The  com- 
mission was  carried  to  its  destination  by  a  man-of-war,  and 
reached  Samana  Bay  on  the  24th  of  January,  1S71. 

A  thorough  inquiry  was  made  into  the  resources  and  con- 
dition of  the  republic,  its  products  and  commerce,  and  the 
expediency  of  annexation.  A  public  investigation  as  to  the 
charges  of  corruption  and  intimidation,  and  as  to  the  senti- 
ments of  the  people  was  conducted  and  the  testimony  and 
views  of  many  prominent  citizens  were  secured.  The  report 
was  submitted  to  Congress  in  the  following  April,  and  in  every 
particular  sustained  the  statements  and  opinions  of  President 
Grant.  Strong  reasons  and  arguments  were  given  in  favor  of 
a  treaty  of  annexation,  and  they  had  much  influence  upon 
public  sentiment  in  the  United  States.  In  forwarding  the 
report  to  the  Senate,  General  Grant  sent  a  message  in  which 
he  defended  his  motives  and  explained  his  reasons  for  negoti- 
ating the  original  treaty.    He  said  : 

"  Under  these  circumstances  I  deemed  it  due  to  the  office 
which  I  hold,  and  due  to  the  character  of  the  agents  who 
had  been  charged  with  the  investigation,  that  such  proceed- 
ings should  be  had  as  would  enable  the  people  to  know  the 
truth.  A  commission  was  therefore  constituted,  under  author- 
ity of  Congress,  consisting  of  gentlemen  selected  with  special 
reference  to  their  high  character  and  capacity  for  the  laborious 


124  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

work  intrusted  to  them,  who  were  instructed  to  visit  the  spot 
and  report  upon  the  facts.  Other  eminent  citizens  were  re- 
quested to  accompany  the  commission  in  order  that  the  people 
might  have  the  benefit  of  their  views.  Students  of  science 
and  correspondents  of  the  press,  without  regard  to  political 
opinions,  were  invited  to  join  the  expedition,  and  their 
numbers  were  limited  only  by  the  capacity  of  the  vessel. 

"  The  mere  rejection  by  the  Senate  of  a  treaty  negotiated  by 
the  President  only  indicates  a  difference  of  opinion  between 
two  co-ordinate  departments  of  the  government,  without 
touching  the  character  or  wounding  the  pride  of  either.  But 
when  such  rejection  takes  place  simultaneously  with  charges 
openly  made  of  corruption  on  the  part  of  the  President,  or 
those  employed  by  him,  the  case  is  different.  Indeed,  in  such 
a  case  the  honor  of  the  nation  needs  investigation.  This  has 
been  accomplished  by  the  report  of  the  commissioners  here- 
with transmitted,  which  fully  vindicates  the  purity  of  the  mo- 
tives and  action  of  those  who  represented  the  United  States  in 
the  negotiation. 

"  And  now  my  task  is  finished,  and  with  it  ends  all  personal 
solicitude  upon  the  subject.  My  duty  being  done,  yours  be- 
gins ;  and  I  gladly  hand  over  the  whole  matter  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  American  people,  and  of  their  representatives  in 
Congress  assembled.  The  facts  will  now  be  spread  before  the 
country,  and  a  decision  rendered  by  that  tribunal  whose 
convictions  so  seldom  err,  and  against  whose  will  I  have 
no  policy  to  enforce.  My  opinion  remains  unchanged  ;  in- 
deed, it  is  confirmed  by  the  report  that  the  interests  of  our 
country  and  of  Santo  Domingo  alike  invite  the  annexation 
of  that  republic. 

"  In  view  of  the  difference  of  opinion  upon  this  subject, 
I  suggest  that  no  action  be  taken  at  the  present  session  beyond 
the  printing  and  general  dissemination  of  the  report.      Before 


SANTO  DOMINGO  AND   ST.   THOMAS— LIBERIA.  125 

the  next  session  of  Congress  the  people  will  have  considered 
the  subject  and  formed  an  intelligent  opinion  concerning  it ; 
to  which  opinion,  deliberately  made  up,  it  will  be  the  duty 
of  every  department  of  the  government  to  give  heed,  and 
no  one  will  more  cheerfully  conform  to  it  than  myself.  It 
is  not  only  the  theory  of  our  Constitution  that  the  will  of  the 
people,  constitutionally  expressed,  is  the  supreme  law,  but 
I  have  ever  believed  that  'all  men  are  wiser  than  any  one 
man ' ;  and  if  the  people,  upon  a  full  presentation  of  the  facts, 
shall  decide  that  the  annexation  of  the  republic  is  not  desir- 
able, every  department  of  the  government  ought  to  acquiesce 
in  that  decision. 

"  In  again  submitting  to  Congress  a  subject  upon  which 
public  sentiment  has  been  divided,  and  which  has  been  made 
the  occasion  of  acrimonious  debates  in  Congress,  as  well  as 
of  unjust  aspersions  elsewhere,  I  may,  I  trust,  be  indulged  in  a 
single  remark. 

"  No  man  could  hope  to  perform  duties  so  delicate  and 
responsible  as  pertain  to  the  presidential  office  without  some- 
times incurring  the  hostility  of  those  who  deem  their  opinions 
and  wishes  treated  with  insufficient  consideration  ;  and  he 
who  undertakes  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  a  great  government 
as  a  faithful  public  servant,  if  sustained  by  the  approval  of  his 
own  conscience,  may  rely  with  confidence  upon  the  candor 
and  intelligence  of  a  free  people,  whose  best  interests  he 
has  striven  to  subserve,  and  can  bear  with  patience  the 
censure  of  disappointed  men." 

But  Mr.  Sumner,  Mr.  Schurz,  and  other  senators  who  had 
originally  opposed  the  proposition,  were  even  more  determined 
in  their  hostility  than  before,  and  the  first-named,  who  for 
some  real  or  fancied  grievance,  had  conceived  a  strong  personal 
dislike  for  the  President,  denounced  the  treaty  as  "a  measure 
of  violence,"  a  "dance   of  blood,"  and  used  other  equally 


126  THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

severe  terms.  lie  alluded  to  the  president  of  Santo  Domingo 
and  bis  cabinet  ministers  as  "political  jockeys,"  and  reiterated 
tbe  cbarges  of  corruption,  bribery,  and  fraud. 

Altbougb  the  President  was  stoutly  defended  by  bis  friends 
the  influence  of  Sumner  and  others  was  sufficient  to  defeat  the 
adoption  of  the  recommendation  of  the  commission,  and  the 
President  reluctantly  abandoned  the  project.  The  question 
was,  however,  one  of  the  principal  reasons  for  the  division 
of  the  Republican  party  in  1872,  and  it  became  a  political  issue 
in  the  presidential  campaign  of  that  year. 

The  Annexation  of  St.  Thomas. 

The  kingdom  of  Denmark  owns  three  small  islands  of  the 
Virgin  group  of  the  Leeward  Islands,  lying  between  17°  and 
18°  north  latitude,  and  in  about  64°  west  longitude.  They 
are  St.  Croix,  or  Santa  Cruz,  which  has  an  area  of  74  square 
miles  and  a  population  of  18,430,  St.  Thomas  with  an  area  of 
23  square  miles  and  a  population  of  14,389,  and  St.  John  with 
21  square  miles  and  a  population  of  944.  Two  thirds  of  the 
inhabitants  are  black,  but  they  are  well  educated,  and  the 
Lutheran  creed  is  the  established  religion  of  the  country.  The 
products  are  small,  consisting  of  sugar,  rum,  and  molasses,  but 
the  foreign  commerce  of  the  three  islands  is  comparatively  very 
large  and  amounts  to  about  $3,000,000  a  year,  a  greater  part  of 
which  are  imports  of  supplies  intended  for  the  use  of  passing 
ships. 

St.  Thomas  is  known  as  the  keystone  of  the  West  Indies. 
It  stands  at  the  apex  of  the  arc  which  forms  the  wall  between 
the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  Caribbean  Sea,  known  as  the 
"Windward  and  Leeward  Islands.  It  lies  in  the  track  of  all 
vessels  from  Europe,  Brazil,  the  East  Indies,  and  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  bound  to  the  north  coast  of  Central  and  South  America, 
the  east  coast  of  Mexico,  the  gulf  ports  of  the  United  States 
and  the  West  India  Islands,  and  also  in  the  track  of  all  vessels 


SANTO  DOMINGO  AND   ST.    THOMAS — LIBERIA.  127 

sailing  from  the  United  States  and  Canada  to  Brazil  and  other 
countries  in  South  America.  It  is  a  point  where  all  vessels 
touch  for  coal,  water,  and  other  supplies  when  needed,  and  is  a 
central  rendezvous  or  focus  for  the  commerce  of  the  West 
Indies.  All  mail  intended  for  ships  that  frequent  those 
waters  is  sent  to  St.  Thomas,  for  every  ship  is  pretty  sure 
to  touch  there  either  going  to  or  returning  from  its  destina- 
tion. In  a  military  sense  St.  Thomas  is  a  central  point 
commanding  all  of  the  West  Indian  Islands,  and  is  so  situated 
that  it  can  be  fortified  to  any  extent.  The  bay  on  which  lies 
the  town  of  Charlotte  Amalie,  the  principal  city,  is  almost 
circular,  the  entrance  being  narrow  and  deep,  and  guarded  by 
two  heavy  forts  which  could  be  so  strengthened  and  protected 
that  no  foreign  power  could  ever  hope  to  take  it.  There  is  no 
other  landing  place,  for  the  island  is  surrounded  by  reefs 
and  breakers  which  constitute  a  natural  protection,  and  the 
surf  runs  so  high  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  a  boat-load  of 
sailors  or  soldiers  to  land  anywhere  outside  of  the  harbor. 
There  is  no  harbor  in  the  West  Indies  better  situated  for  com- 
merce or  for  military  purposes,  and  it  is  large  enough  to 
shelter  all  the  vessels  in  the  world. 

The  Civil  War  demonstrated  that  the  greatest  military  weak- 
ness of  the  United  States  was  the  lack  of  a  harbor  of  refuge 
and  a  source  of  naval  supplies  in  the  West  Indies.  The 
sovereignty  of  these  islands,  more  than  a  thousand  in  number, 
is  divided  among  nearly  all  of  the  great  nations  of  the  earth, 
but  the  United  States  has  no  foothold  there.  England, 
France,  Holland,  Spain,  and  other  countries  have  ports  in 
which  their  vessels  can  seek  supplies  and  protection  at  any 
time.  In  case  the  United  States  should  become  involved 
in  war  with  any  of  those  nations  we  should  be  at  a  great  dis- 
advantage because  our  vessels  would  be  compelled  to  return 
frequently  to  our  Atlantic  ports  for  coal  and  provisions.     It 


12S  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

is  the  universal  opinion  among  naval  experts  that  the  lack  of 
such  a  station  in  the  West  Indies  prolonged  the  late  war  at  the 
cost  of  millions  of  dollars  and  the  loss  of  thousands  of  lives ; 
therefore,  at  the  close  of  hostilities,  Mr.  Seward,  who  was 
secretary  of  state,  endeavored  to  secure  a  base  of  supplies. 

After  considering  the  various  questions  involved,  in  Janu- 
ary, 1865,  he  conveyed  to  the  Danish  minister  at  "Washington, 
General  Rassloff,  an  intimation  that  the  United  States  would 
consider  a  proposition  to  purchase  the  possessions  of  Denmark 
in  America.  Although  the  communication  was  informal,  the 
subject  was  widely  discussed,  both  in  the  United  States  and  in 
Copenhagen,  and  informal  but  very  earnest  protests  were  re- 
ceived by  the  Danish  government  from  England,  France, 
Germany,  and  other  foreign  powers.  The  assassination  of 
President  Lincoln  caused  the  proposition  to  be  temporarily 
abandoned,  but  during  the  winter  of  18G6  the  negotiations 
were  resumed. 

Secretary  Seward,  after  his  recovery  from  the  wounds  of  the 
assassin  on  the  night  when  Lincoln  was  killed,  sailed  through 
the  West  Indies  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  his  health,  and 
made  personal  investigation  of  the  advantages  of  St.  Thomas, 
which  were  afterwards  the  subject  of  a  report  to  the  President. 
Consequently,  in  July,  18GG,  a  formal  proposition  was  made  to 
Denmark,  through  General  Rassloff,  for  the  purchase  of  the 
three  islands  for  the  sum  of  $5,000,000.  The  latter  arrived 
in  Copenhagen  with  the  proposition  just  at  the  moment  of 
the  defeat  of  the  conservative  party,  whose  late  leaders  had  re- 
jected the  original  overtures  from  the  United  States.  The 
new  ministry,  which  was  military  in  its  instincts,  did  not 
show  any  greater  favor  toward  the  American  proposition, 
but,  for  fear  of  offending  the  United  States,  the  government 
decided  to  make  no  answer  to  the  proposition.  General 
Rassloff  resigned,  and   the   Danish   mission  in  the  United 


SANTO  DOMINGO  AND  ST.   THOMAS — LIBERIA.  129 

States  was  vacant.  Mr.  Seward  telegraphed  Mr.  Yeaman,  the 
United  States  minister  to  Copenhagen,  to  obtain  a  definite 
reply,  but  he  failed  to  secure  from  the  Danish  government  any 
expression  either  of  assent  or  dissent.  He  was  informed,  how- 
ever, that  there  were  many  interests,  sentiments,  and  con- 
ditions that  must  be  considered  and  conciliated  before  any 
action  could  be  taken. 

Ten  months  later  the  Danish  minister  of  foreign  relations 
informed  Minister  Yeaman  that  while  the  government  de- 
clined the  offer  of  $5,000,000  for  its  American  provinces  it 
would  agree  to  cede  them  to  the  United  States  for  $15,000,000, 
the  transfer  of  Santa  Cruz,  however,  to  depend  upon  the  con- 
sent of  France,  as  this  was  required  by  a  treaty  stipulation 
of  two  hundred  years'  standing.  Or,  if  this  proposition  was 
not  acceptable,  St.  Thomas  and  one  other  island  would  be 
ceded  to  the  United  States  for  $10,000,000,  provided  the  inhabi- 
tants would  approve  the  proposition  by  ballot.  This  offer  was 
met  by  the  United  States  with  a  counter-proposition  to  pur- 
chase two  of  the  islands  for  $7,500,000,  which  was  accepted  by 
Denmark,  with  the  condition  that  the  inhabitants  might 
express  their  assent  to  the  measure.  Senator  Doolittle  of 
Wisconsin,  who  happened  to  be  in  Europe  at  the  time,  was 
requested  to  proceed  to  Copenhagen  and  there  conclude  the 
negotiations.  The  purchase  of  Alaska  from  Russia  was  pend- 
ing at  the  same  time,  and  it  was  suggested  that  the  endorse- 
ment of  Russia  upon  the  St.  Thomas  proposition  would  have  a 
favorable  effect.  Thereupon,  Senator  Doolittle  secured  from 
Chancellor  Gortchakoff  an  assurance  that  Denmark  would 
have  the  moral  support  of  Russia  in  the  transaction.  All  of 
the  papers  having  been  signed  on  the  24th  of  October,  1867. 
the  treaty,  together  with  a  history  of  the  case  and  the  docu- 
ments, was  sent  to  the  Senate  when  Congress  met  in  Decem- 
ber. 


130  THE   UNITED  BTATES  AND  FOREIGN   POWEBS. 

In  the  meantime  the  Danish  government  appointed  Edward 
(  arstensen  as  a  commissioner  to  take  the  vote  of  the  people  of 
St.  Thomas  on  the  proposition  to  transfer  them  from  subjects 
of  his  majesty  the  king  of  Denmark  to  citizens  of  the  United 
States.    The  United  States  sent  Reverend  Doctor  Hawley,  who 
was  pastor  of  the  church  attended  by  Secretary  Seward  at 
Auburn,  N.  Y.,  as  a  commissioner  to  observe  the  election  and 
answer  any  questions  of  a  general  character,  or  give  any  de- 
sired information  in   regard  to  the  purposes  of  the  United 
States  that  might  be  demanded  by  a  people  who  were  about 
voting  upon  a  measure  that  affected  their  interests  so  deeply. 
Dr.  Hawley  found  the  people  earnestly  and  amiably  inclined, 
but  the  merchants  desired  an  assurance  that  in  the  event  of 
the  transfer  to  the  United  States  no  duties  would  be  imposed 
upon  articles  imported  into  St.  Thomas  for  at  least  a  stated 
length  of  time.     He  was  unauthorized  to  meet  this  question, 
and  Commissioner  Carstensen  could  not  proceed  with  the  vote 
until  it  was  settled.    Rear  Admiral  Palmer  at  once  dispatched 
a  vessel  to  the  United  States  with  the  Danish  commissioner 
and  Dr.  Hawley,  to  lay  this  important  matter  before   the 
government,  but  they  arrived  in  Washington  in  the  midst 
of  the  quarrel  between  President  Johnson  and  the  Senate 
which  resulted  in  the  impeachment  of  the   former.    Com- 
missioner   Carstensen    returned    alone    to    St.    Thomas,   and 
informed  the  merchants  that  he  was  not  authorized  to  give 
them  any  assurances  about  the  continuance  of  St.  Thomas  as 
a  free  port.    On  the  9th  of  January  the  vote  was  taken  amid 
great  ceremonies  and  festivities.    The  result  was  almost  una- 
nimity in  favor  of  annexation,  there  being  but  22  votes  cast 
against  the  proposition  in  St.  Thomas,  and  not  one  dissenting 
vote  in  St,  John.    When  the  news  reached  Copenhagen  the 
parliament  ratified  the  treaty  without  debate,  and  the  king 
signed  it  on  the  1st  of  January,  1868  ;  but  no  notice  was  taken 


SANTO  DOMINGO  AND  ST.   THOMAS— LIBERIA.  131 

of  it  in  Washington.  The  treaty  lay  buried  in  a  pigeon-hole 
of  the  desk  of  Mr.  Sumner,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
foreign  relations.  Official  notice  was  sent  to  the  Senate  of 
the  result  of  the  vote  on  the  islands,  and  the  action  of  the 
Danish  parliament  and  the  king,  and  attention  was  called 
to  the  fact  that  the  limit  of  time  for  ratification  would  expire 
on  the  24th  of  February ;  but  that  produced  no  effect.  The 
Senate  was  otherwise  engaged.  On  the  21st  of  February  the 
proceedings  in  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson  began, 
and  amidst  the  political  excitement  St.  Thomas  was  not 
thought  of. 

In  the  following  August,  our  government  proposed  to  Den- 
mark that  the  time  for  the  exchange  of  ratifications  be  ex- 
tended one  year  from  October  14,  1868,  which  was  agreed  to, 
and  the  treaty  was  revived.  The  Danish  government  soon  be- 
came indignant  at  the  delay  of  the  United  States  and  sent  Mr. 
Rassloff  to  demand  that  either  the  treaty  should  be  ratified  by 
the  United  States  Senate,  or  just  cause  shown  for  the  failure 
to  do  so.  But  during  the  busy  session  of  Congress  in  1869 
the  treaty  remained  suspended,  and  although  a  third  oppor- 
tunity was  offered  for  the  extension  of  the  time  for  ratification 
no  action  was  ever  taken  upon  it.  The  failure  of  these  nego- 
tiations caused  the  downfall  of  the  first  liberal  ministry  that 
ruled  in  Denmark,  and  the  friendly  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  that  country  were  impaired  for  several 
years  by  the  unexplained  neglect  of  the  United  States  to  carry 
out  a  solemn  compact  of  its  own  seeking. 

Tlie  Republic  of  Liberia. 

By  the  terms  of  paragraph  1,  section  9,  of  article  1  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  admission  of  African 
slaves  into  our  country  was,  in  effect,  prohibited  after  the  year 
1807.  This  period  expired  near  the  termination  of  the  admin- 
istration of  President  Jefferson,  who,  anticipating  the  capture 


132  THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

of  slave  ships  subsequent  to  that  date  and  the  necessity  of 
returning  their  cargoes  to  Africa,  desired  to  negotiate  for  some 
port  upon  the  western  coast  of  that  continent  to  which  the 
captured  slaves  might  be  returned.  With  this  object  in  view 
it  occurred  to  him  that  Sierra  Leone,  a  colony  established  by 
Great  Britain,  to  which  American  slaves  captured  during  the 
Revolution  of  1776  were  transported,  was  the  most  favorable 
point  for  the  purpose ;  and  he  therefore  suggested  a  treaty 
with  that  country  which  should  designate  that  place  as  an 
asylum.  But  before  any  steps  could  be  taken  for  the  realiza- 
tion of  his  purpose,  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were 
again  at  war  and  the  project  was  indefinitely  deferred. 

The  importance  of  the  establishment  of  such  a  colony  again 
suggested  itself  at  the  commencement  of  the  administration  of 
President  Monroe,  since  it  became  evident  that  these  miserable 
creatures,  when  captured  and  returned  unprotected  to  their 
native  land,  were  liable  to  be  seized  again  and  sold  into 
slavery.  In  response,  therefore,  to  petitions  upon  the  subject, 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States  passed  an  act  on  March 
3,  1819,  authorizing  President  Monroe  to  return  all  such 
persons  to  the  coast  of  Africa  and  to  provide  for  their  tempo- 
rary relief  and  protection  by  the  establishment  of  an  agency 
or  freed  man's  bureau  there  under  the  patronage  and  authority 
of  the  government  of  the  United  States.  This  is  the  only 
colonizing  scheme  that  has  ever  been  undertaken  by  our 
country. 

In  pursuance  of  the  purposes  of  this  act,  Lieutenant  Stock- 
ton of  the  American  navy  was  instructed  to  proceed  to  the 
African  coast  in  October,  1821,  to  carry  out  the  designs  of  the 
government.  This  officer,  touching  first  at  Sierra  Leone,  sailed 
down  the  coast  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  in  search  of  a  favor- 
able spot  for  the  location  of  the  colony.  Upon  his  arrival  at 
Cape  Mesurado,  a  bold  promontory  some  eighty  feet  above  the 


SANTO   DOMINGO  AND  ST.   THOMAS — LIBERIA.  133 

level  of  the  sea,  he  was  attracted  by  its  topographical  features, 
arid,  after  landing  and  exploring  the  vicinity,  resolved  to  pur- 
chase the  land  and  found  the  settlement  there.  While,  how- 
ever, he  was  visiting  the  neighboring  chiefs  and  endeavoring 
to  arrange  the  necessary  preliminaries,  some  slave  traders  were 
actively  engaged  in  thwarting  his  purposes  by  slander  and 
misrepresentation  ;  so  that,  when  a  council  of  their  chiefs  had 
assembled  to  consider  the  proposals  of  Lieutenant  Stockton, 
their  disapproval  of  his  scheme  was  manifested  in  such  threat- 
ening terms  that  he  found  it  necessary  to  call  in  an  armed  force 
that  had  been  prudently  posted  near  at  hand.  This  opportune 
display  of  arms  promptly  wrought  a  change  in  the  conduct  of 
negotiations ;  so  much  so  that  the  African  warriors  were 
easily  induced  to  make  a  grant  of  the  desired  territory  and 
a  treaty  to  that  effect  was  forthwith  formulated  and  executed. 
A  few  American  colonists  who  had  accompanied  the  expe- 
dition were  disembarked  and,  with  the  personal  aid  and 
material  assistance  of  Lieutenant  Stockton  and  his  crew,  they 
began  to  organize  and  build  up  the  settlement.  Thus  was 
founded  the  city  of  Monrovia,  so  called  in  honor  of  President 
Monroe,  at  Cape  Mesurado. 

The  negro  republic  of  Liberia  lies  wholly  within  the  torrid 
zone  or  between  the  fourth  and  seventh  degrees  of  latitude 
north  of  the  equator.  Its  territory  extends  from  the  San  Pedro 
River  at  4°  20'  latitude  north  to  the  Manna  River  at  6°  80/ 
latitude  north  or  about  six  hundred  miles,  and  from  the 
Atlantic  coast  on  the  west  to  an  undefined  boundary  about  two 
hundred  miles  distant  in  the  east.  It  is  thus  west  of  Soudan, 
south  of  Sierra  Leone,  and  north  of  the  negro  monarchy 
Ashantee. 

The  constitution  of  the  republic  is  closely  modeled  after  that 
of  the  United  States.  The  executive  power  is  vested  in  a 
president  who  is  elected  for  the  term  of   two    years.    The 


134  I  II  K  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

legislative  council  is  composed  of  a  senate  of  eight  persons 
elected  each  four  years  and  of  a  house  of  representatives  of 
thirteen  members  elected  every  two  years.  The  cabinet  of  the 
executive  consists  of  five  members.  The  average  annual  reve- 
nue, most  of  which  is  derived  from  customs  duties,  amounts 
to  about  $175,000,  and  the  average  annual  expenditure,  chiefly 
incurred  for  the  general  administration  of  the  government, 
amounts  to  the  sum  of  $165,000.  The  unpaid  principal  and 
interest  of  the  national  debt,  contracted  in  England  in  1871, 
amounts  to  $200,000.  The  chief  exports  consist  of  coffee,  palm 
oil,  palm  nuts,  cocoa,  sugar,  arrowroot,  ivory,  and  hides.  The 
annual  coffee  crop  reaches  about  one  million  pounds.  The 
combined  annual  exports  and  imports  are  estimated  in  the 
sum  of  one  million  dollars. 

The  native  population  of  Liberia,  comprising  about  800,000 
souls,  has  been  reinforced  by  about  fourteen  thousand  negro 
colonists  from  the  United  States  and  the  West  Indies  and 
by  nearly  six  thousand  recaptured  African  slaves  that  have 
been  sent  there,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment. Although  the  country  is  a  democracy  yet  the  emi- 
grants from  America  are  exclusively  the  governing  class  and 
they  have  built  up  among  themselves  a  sort  of  aristocracy,  that 
is  rigidly  maintained  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  the  natives. 
This  latter  class  cannot  aspire  to  any  social  equality  with 
the  American-born  negro  and  is  subjected  to  all  the  menial 
service  that  people  of  their  race  are  accustomed  to  perform  in 
the  United  States.  The  aristocrats  are  absolved  from  all 
anxiety  in  reference  to  their  social  status  by  the  fact  that  their 
government  is  a  negro  republic  where  white  persons  cannot 
hold  property  nor  be  admitted  to  citizenship. 

Liberia,  under  the  patronage  and  protection  of  the  American 
colonization  society,  occupied  a  peculiarly  anomalous  position, 
since  it  had  no  rank  among  the  states  of  the  world  and,  though 


SANTO  DOMINGO  AND  ST.   THOMAS— LIBERIA.  135 

established  as  a  colony  in  due  and  legal  form  by  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  received  small  sympathy  and 
encouragement  from  our  country.  Hence  its  intercourse  with 
the  world  was  attended  with  inconveniences  and  embarrass- 
ments and  the  colonists  grew  restive  under  this  condition 
of  affairs  until  1848,  when,  with  the  approval  of  the  American 
society,  they  resolved  upon  measures  of  self-government.  To 
this  end  a  declaration  of  independence  was  adopted  in  which, 
after  reciting  the  wrongs  to  which  their  race  was  subjected  in 
America,  Liberia  was  declared  to  be  a  free,  sovereign,  and 
independent  state.  A  constitution  was  soon  after  ratified, 
a  president  elected,  and  the  new  government  formally  inaugu- 
rated. 

The  black  republic  has  thus  far  escaped  any  serious  compli- 
cation with  foreign  powers  and  has  demonstrated,  although 
in  a  feeble  way,  its  capability  for  independent  existence. 
While  it  has  probably  failed  in  every  sense  to  justify  the 
expectations  of  its  promoters  and  founders,  yet,  as  an  outpost  of 
civilization  upon  the  dark  continent,  it  may  serve  as  a  foothold 
for  future  efforts  toward  the  humanizing  and  christianizing  of 
the  African  race.  If  it  had  been  founded  forty  years  later, 
when  the  slave  was  the  innocent  cause  of  the  great  civil  con- 
test that  cost  our  country  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  it  is  not 
unreasonable  to  suppose  that  it  would  have  become  an  asylum 
for  a  very  large  portion  of  the  black  Americans  and  thus  have 
mitigated  if  not  entirely  removed  the  conditions  that  have  so 
long  operated  to  disturb  peace  and  order  in  the  southern  states. 

In  1898,  being  threatened  by  the  encroachment  of  Germany 
and  France,  the  President  of  Liberia  sent  a  commissioner  to 
London  and  "Washington,  asking  a  joint  protectorate  over  his 
country  by  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  His  request 
was  denied,  but  assurances  of  protection  whenever  necessary 
were  given  him. 


CHAPTER   X. 

A  GENERAL  VIEW  OF  EUROPE  IX  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

At  the  very  time  when  the  colonies  in  America  were  form- 
ing a  stable  government,  Europe  was  approaching  a  crisis  and 
a  new  order.  A  general  acquaintance  with  European  affairs 
during  the  century  is  helpful  to  a  clear  understanding  of  the 
relatious  which  have  existed  between  the  United  States  and 
the  older  nations. 

In  1789  France  was  the  scene  of  a  significant,  popular  upris- 
ing, and  for  the  next  twenty-five  years  she  played  the  leading 
part  in  social  and  governmental  changes  which  extended  to 
almost  every  quarter  of  Europe.  Louis  XVI.  inherited  in 
1774  the  throne  of  France,  with  its  responsibilities,  made 
serious  by  years  of  arbitrary  and  extravagant  rule.  The  taxes 
fell  heavily  on  the  peasant  and  merchant,  but  rested  lightly  on 
an  exempted  nobility  and  clergy  ;  an  unjust  system  of  land 
ownership,  brought  down  by  the  nobles  from  feudal  times, 
oppressed  the  common  people  cruelly  ;  monopolies  of  staple 
articles  granted  to  the  rich  and  powerful  were  a  further  irrita- 
tion to  the  masses.  Strange,  new  notions  about  the  "  equality 
of  men"  and  the  true  nature  of  governments  were  set  going 
by  a  certain  class  of  writers.  The  news  of  the  successful  re- 
volt of  the  American  colonies  from  England  and  of  the  share 
which  Lafayette  and  other  Frenchmen  had  taken  in  the  strug- 
gle came  as  a  suggestion  and  an  encouragement.     All  these 

136 


VIEW   OF   EUROPE   IN  THE  NINETEENTH   CENTURY.         137 

and  many  other  things  combined  to  bring  about  the  French 
Revolution,  but  the  immediate  cause  was  national  bankruptcy. 
Every  plan  to  restore  the  finances  was  tried  in  vain.  Only 
one  resort  remained.  The  national  parliament,  or  "  States 
General,"  which  the  absolute  monarchs  of  France  had  ignored 
since  1614,  must  be  summoned  and  made  to  vote  increased 
taxes.  The  call  was  issued,  but  the  States  General,  quickly 
controlled  by  the  representatives  of  the  middle  class,  began  to 
complain  of  abuses,  to  demand  reforms,  and  in  other  ways  to 
show  a  spirit  new  to  French  subjects.  Louis,  naturally 
benevolent  and  devoted  to  the  best  interests  of  his  people,  was 
hampered  by  antecedents  and  education,  and  urged  to  arbitrary 
acts  by  his  courtiers.  He  resisted  the  demands  of  the  parlia- 
ment, tried  to  dismiss  it,  but  finally  had  to  yield.  Thus  he  lost 
not  only  his  power  but  the  chance  to  surrender  it  gracefully. 

American  sympathies  were  heartily  with  the  French  people 
during  the  early  stages  of  the  revolution.  When  the  hated 
prison,  the  Bastille,  was  destroyed,  Lafayette  sent  one  of  its 
keys  as  a  present  to  Washington.  But  the  excesses  of  1792 
and  1793  caused  a  revulsion  of  feeling,  and  the  United  States 
decided  upon  a  policy  of  neutrality. 

The  attack  in  France  upon  the  "divine  right  of  kings" 
alarmed  the  monarchs  of  Europe.  The  doctrine  that  the  people 
are  the  source  of  authority  was  deemed  hardly  less  dangerous 
than  are  anarchist  teachings  to-day.  Austria  was  the  strong- 
hold of  absolute  monarchy.  Her  ruler,  Francis  I.,  was  the 
father  of  his  people,  who  were  kept  in  ignorance  and  denied 
the  right  to  think  for  themselves.  Germany  was  a  mosaic  of 
some  three  hundred  states  and  free  cities,  all  loosely  combined 
with  Austria  into  the  "Holy  Roman  Empire,"  a  fancied 
perpetuation  of  the  old  Roman  rule,  sanctified  and  strength- 
ened by  an  alliance  with  the  pope.  There  was  no  national 
spirit;  Germany  was  a  "geographical  expression."     Russia, 


138  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

as  a  result  of  Peter  the  Great's  policy,  was  emerging  from 
semibarbarism  and  taking  part  in  the  affairs  of  Europe. 
Italy,  like  Germany,  was  a  composite  of  kingdoms,  principali- 
ties, papal  states,  and  republics.  Spain  fallen  upon  evil  days 
still  dreamed  of  her  ancient  glory  under  Charles  V.  and, 
though  poor,  priest-ridden,  and  misruled,  cherished  a  national 
pride  and  patriotism  unknown  outside  of  England. 

England  had  long  been  a  constitutional  monarchy,  but  the 
suffrage  was  very  limited,  dissenters  and  Catholics  were  dis- 
criminated against,  the  representation  in  Parliament  was  un- 
just and  corrupt,  and  the  criminal  law,  almost  barbarous. 
Such  in  outline  was  the  state  of  the  Europe  wmich  France  had 
for  an  enemy  during  twenty-five  years. 

The  French  Revolution  was  a  series  of  steps  from  absolute 
monarchy  to  complete  democracy,  and  back  again  to  one-man 
rule.  First  a  constitutional  throne  was  established,  but  Louis 
by  his  insincerity,  secret  correspondence,  and  attempted  flight, 
lost  his  crown  and  soon  after  his  life.  A  republic  followed, 
but  fanatical  leaders  were  not  satisfied,  and  demanded  more 
direct  rule  by  the  people.  Thousands  of  those  who  resisted 
met  death  during  the  "reign  of  terror  »  in  1793-94.  At  last  a 
reaction  came  ;  the  people  were  sickened  by  the  sight  of  blood. 
There  was  a  demand  for  a  stronger  government,  both  to 
restore  order  in  France  and  to  drive  back  the  invading  armies 
of  hostile  Europe.  The  Directory,  with  five  executive  direc- 
tors and  two  legislative  chambers,  was  now  established.  Its 
administration  was  extremely  corrupt.  Bribery  existed  to 
a  scandalous  extent.  The  American  commissioners  sent  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  refused  to  pay  the  customary  fees,  and  were 
rudely  repulsed.  The  new  government  failed  to  meet  the 
emergency,  and  was  first  influenced,  then  controlled  by  a 
young  Corsican,  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  who  had  won  great 
and  sudden  fame  by  driving  the  Austrians  out  of  Italy.    In 


VIEW  OP  EUROPE  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY.       139 

the  year  1800,  Napoleon  was  virtually  master  of  France,  and 
in  1804  he  was  crowned  emperor. 

The  career  of  this  wonderful  man,  however  selfish  and  un- 
worthy its  motives  and  methods  may  have  been,  brought 
about  the  reconstruction  of  Europe.  The  French  armies  be- 
tween 1796  and  1800  carried  the  principles  of  the  revolution 
and  the  republic  into  Belgium,  Germany,  and  Italy.  Under 
the  empire  foreign  conquests  were  followed  by  the  establish- 
ment of  better  local  governments,  which  the  common  people 
appreciated.  Thus  ideas  were  disseminated  which  no  power 
could  destroy,  and  in  spite  of  opposition  they  finally  prevailed. 

Napoleon's  triumphs  followed  each  other  in  brilliant  and 
rapid  succession.  Austria  was  three  times  beaten  and  de- 
spoiled of  territory  ;  Italy  was  entirely  controlled  by  France  ; 
Prussia  suffered  a  crushing  defeat ;  and  the  German  states  were 
reduced  to  vassalage  ;  Russia  became  an  ally  ;  England,  pro- 
tected by  the  channel,  was  attacked  through  the  exclusion  of 
English  goods  from  continental  markets  ;  Spain  was  invaded, 
although  not  with  the  wonted  success  of  French  arms. 

The  commercial  war  between  Napoleon  and  England  was  at- 
tended with  serious  results  to  American  shipping.  Both  sides 
claimed  extraordinary  rights  over  neutral  vessels,  and  many 
American  ships  were  seized  in  French  and  English  harbors 
and  on  the  high  seas.  England  asserted  also  the  right  to 
"impress"  British  seamen,  wherever  found,  into  her  own 
service.  In  some  cases  American  vessels  were  stopped  and 
searched  for  deserting  sailors. 

In  1810  the  French  empire  included  a  vast  area  and  claimed 
the  direct  or  indirect  loyalty  of  nearly  fifty  million  people. 
But  this  magnificent  power  was  doomed  to  swift  destruction. 
Spanish  national  spirit,  sustained  by  English  troops,  made 
headway  in  the  peninsula.  The  czar  of  Russia,  realizing  that 
he  had   been  victimized,  became  first  a  cool  ally,  then  an 


140 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 


avowed  enemy.  Napoleon,  determined  to  crush  the  only 
country  he  had  not  yet  invaded,  prepared  for  his  ill-fated 
Russian  campaign, 


in  which  he  lost 
three  hundred  and 
seventy  thousand 
men. 

The  Prussians 
had  been  waiting 
for  such  a  chance 
as  now  presented 
itself.  A  coalition 
was  formed  and 
war  declared.  Na- 
poleon, nothing 
daunted,  raised  a 
new  army  and  took 
the  field.  Austria, 
for  a  time  neutral, 
finally  joined  the  enemy.  The  great  general  fought  with  his 
utmost  skill,  but  in  vain.  Gradually  the  allies  advanced  to  the 
French  border,  and  early  in  1814  entered  Paris.  Napoleon 
abdicated  and  retired  to  the  island  of  Elba  off  the  Italian 
coast,  while  the  brother  of  Louis  XVI.  was  restored  to  the 
throne  of  his  family.  Less  than  a  year  later  Napoleon  ap- 
peared once  more  in  Europe  for  the  brief,  final  scene  of  his 
active  career.  Landing  in  the  south  of  France,  he  made  his 
way  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  with  a  large  army  of  his  old 
troops,  who  on  the  approach  of  their  great  commander  had 
deserted  to  his  standard.       Louis  XVIII. *  fled  before  his  old 


*  Louis, the  son  of  Louis  XVI.,  was  known  as  Louis  XVII.,  just  as  though 
he  had  actually  reigned.  His  successor  in  the  family,  therefore  was  pro- 
claimed Louis  XVIII. 


VIEW   OF  EUROPE  IN  THE  NINETEENTH   CENTURY.        141 

enemy.  The  news  of  Napoleon's  return  was  the  signal  for  a 
reassembling  of  the  allies,  by  whom  he  was  again  defeated  on 
the  field  of  Waterloo,  June  17,  1815.  Exiled  to  the  island  of 
St.  Helena,  Napoleon  ceased  to  be  a  factor  in  European  politics. 
He  died  in  1821. 

The  "man  of  destiny"  once  safely  out  of  the  way,  the 
rulers  of  Europe  met  in  Vienna  to  decide  upon  the  best  plan 
for  rearranging  the  continent.  It  is  important  to  note  that 
these  monarchs,  Francis  I.  of  Austria,  Alexander  of  Russia, 
Frederick  William  of  Prussia,  and  others  of  less  importance, 
were  anxious,  not  to  serve  the  people,  but  to  look  after  the  in- 
terests of  the  "bereaved  princes,"  whose  rights  had  been 
shamefully  ignored  by  Napoleon. 

The  final  arrangement  reduced  France  to  her  boundaries  of 
1792,  with  Louis  XVIII.  as  king.  Austria  received  a  large 
part  of  Northern  Italy,  and  the  Tyrol.  Prussia  regained  her 
original  territory,  together  with  the  Rhenish  provinces,  a  large 
portion  of  Saxony,  and  other  important  additions.  The 
thirty-nine  German  states  were  combined  in  a  loose  federation 
with  Austria  at  its  head.  Russia  had  as  her  share  the  larger 
part  of  Poland.  In  Spain,  Naples,  the  papal  states,  and  other 
smaller  countries,  the  old  families  were  restored  to  power. 
After  the  Congress  of  Vienna  the  map  of  Europe  looked  very 
much  as  it  did  in  17S9,  but,  as  events  finally  proved,  it  was  a 
very  different  Europe. 

The  czar,  the  Austrian  emperor,  and  the  Prussian  king 
formed  what  they  called  the  "  Holy  Alliance,"  and  announced 
that  they  would  rule  their  countries  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  Christianity.  Fair  promises  were  made,  and 
there  was  talk  of  granting  constitutions.  A  new  era  seemed 
about  to  dawn.  There  was  much  rejoicing,  especially  in  Ger- 
many, where  the  war  against  Napoleon  had  aroused  some- 
thing very  like  a  national  spirit.     But  put  to  the  test,  the 


142  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

"  divine  right  of  kings  "  was  the  essential  piety  of  the  "Holy 
Alliance."  Francis  of  Austria  and  his  minister,  Prince  Met- 
ternich,  became  ardent  advocates  of  the  old  order,  and  not 
only  restored  it  in  Vienna,  but  used  all  their  influence  against 
liberal  tendencies  in  the  German  states,  over  which  Austria 
exercised  a  sort  of  presidency. 

Louis  XVIII.  granted  a  fairly  liberal  constitution  in  France, 
but  unwisely  accepted  the  counsel  of  emigrants  who  had 
deserted  their  country  and  aided  her  enemies  during  the  revo- 
lution. As  a  result  of  unfair  election  laws,  the  legislature  soon 
contained  many  friends  of  the  old  order  of  things,  who  tried  to 
bring  back  in  a  measure  the  "good  old  times."  This  course 
was  very  unpopular,  and  the  right  to  vote  was  extended  to 
merchants  and  manufacturers,  whose  liberalizing  influence 
was  soon  felt.  Unfortunately,  in  1820  a  fanatic  assassinated  a 
strong  conservative,  the  Duke  of  Berry.  At  once  a  cry  was 
raised  that  dangerous  republican  notions  were  rife  again,  a  re- 
action set  in,  severely  conservative  laws  were  passed,  and  the 
public  school  system  was  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Catholic 
clergy.  The  death  of  Louis  in  1824  put  upon  the  throne  his 
brother,  Charles  X.,  who  continued  a  reactionary  policy  until 
1830,  when  a  popular  revolt  drove  him  from  power. 

This  protest  of  France  against  a  return  to  the  past  caused 
excitement  in  all  parts  of  Europe.  The  various  German  rulers 
under  the  influence  of  Austria  had  either  refused  constitutions, 
granted  half  measures,  or  withdrawn  concessions.  The  uni- 
versities and  literary  men  had  agitated  earnestly  for  liberty, 
but  met  with  severe  repression. 

The  Paris  revolution  of  1830  was  the  signal  for  outbreaks  in 
Saxony  and  the  minor  German  states,  by  which  the  govern- 
ments were  in  a  measure  brought  to  terms.  The  arranging  of 
a  "customs  union,"  which  with  the  exception  of  Austria  in- 
cluded the  principal  German  states,  was  a  first  step  toward 


VIEW  OF  EUROPE  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY.       143 

German  unity.  In  Spain  and  Naples  the  tyranny  of  the 
restored  families  had  caused  uprisings,  which  were  put  down 
by  the  aid  of  France  and  Austria.  Greece  had  thrown  off  the 
Turkish  yoke  in  1827.  In  1830  Belgium,  joined  to  Holland 
against  her  will  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  revolted  and  set 
up  an  independent  constitutional  government. 

In  England  the  years  from  1815  to  1832  saw  the  government 
policy  gradually  liberalized.  The  law  which  had  long  pre- 
vented Catholics  from  holding  office  was  repealed,  and  the 
representation  in  Parliament  which  had  been  unjust  in  the  ex- 
treme was  vastly  improved  by  the  "reform  bill"  of  1832. 

After  the  abdication  of  Charles  X.  in  1830,  there  was  talk  of 
another  French  republic,  but  at  last  Louis  Phillippe,  a  cousin 
of  Charles,  was  chosen  king  upon  his  expressly  promising  a 
liberal  constitution.  He  liked  to  be  styled  "  the  citizen  king," 
but  the  Bourbon  blood  ran  in  his  veins.  His  reign  was  char- 
acterized by  avarice  and  family  ambition,  gradually  growing 
conservatism,  a  weak  foreign  policy,  bad  election  laws,  and 
industrial  distress.  The  refusal  in  1848  to  grant  certain  popu- 
lar demands  brought  on  an  important  revolution. 

This  third  French  uprising  had  a  most  important  influence 
on  the  rest  of  Europe.  Even  Austria  felt  the  shock,  and 
Metternich,  the  arch-conservative,  was  driven  from  Vienna. 
A  national  parliament  was  called,  and  fair  promises  made. 
Francis  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  son,  Francis  Joseph,  the 
present  emperor.  Most  of  the  revolts  were  easily  suppressed, 
but  Hungary,  an  unwilling  part  of  the  Austrian  empire,  was 
subdued  only  with  the  aid  of  Russia. 

Prussia  and  other  German  states  were  the  scenes  of  popular 
outbreaks,  followed  by  concessions  and  constitutional  reforms. 
Another  attempt  to  unite  Germany  into  a  federation  gave 
promise  of  success,  but  the  time  had  not  yet  come.  The 
rivalry  between  Austria,  the   old   leader   of  Germany,  and 


144  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

Prussia,  the  new  aspirant  for  that  honor,  became  more  and 
more  apparent.  Italy  caught  the  spirit  of  the  times.  Revo- 
lutions occurred  in  almost  every  state.  In  the  north  there 
were  demonstrations  against  the  hated  power  of  Austria,  and 
attempts  to  establish  a  free  and  "united  Italy."  The  king  of 
Sardinia  was  especially  active,  but,  defeated  by  Austria,  he  re- 
signed his  throne  to  his  son,  Victor  Emanuel.  France,  mean- 
while, in  alleged  defense  of  the  pope,  had  occupied  Rome. 

The  downfall  of  Louis  Phillippe  in  France  was  followed  by 
a  republic,  and  for  a  time  by  a  dictatorship.  The  socialistic 
ideas  then  current,  the  demoralizing  influence  of  "government 
workshops  " — a  socialistic  device  for  aiding  the  unemployed — 
and  the  general  feeling  of  unrest  and  uncertainty,  all  made  a 
demand  for  strong  government.  A  republican  constitution 
was  set  up,  and  Louis  Napoleon,  a  nephew  of  Bonaparte,  was 
chosen  president  by  an  overwhelming  popular  vote.  Twice 
before,  he  had  failed  ridiculously  in  attempts  to  gain  power, 
but  this  time  his  name  and  the  career  of  his  famous  uncle 
worked  in  his  favor.  Louis  Napoleon,  though  vain,  was  not 
so  weak  a  man  as  he  was  generally  supposed  to  be.  Follow- 
ing the  traditions  of  his  family,  he  restored  the  empire  by 
strategy,  and  was  recognized  in  1852  as  Napoleon  III.  He  de- 
clared that  his  sole  aim  would  be  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
France  and  the  peace  of  Europe. 

England  since  1830  had  seen  important  changes,  chief  of 
which  was  the  repeal  in  1844  of  the  "corn  laws,"  measures 
which  by  unjustly  taxing  imported  grain  had  cruelly  op- 
pressed the  body  of  the  nation.  Other  indefensible  trade  re- 
strictions were  also  abolished.  Poor  laws,  under  which  a 
premium  had  been  put  upon  pauperism,  were  modified. 
Queen  Victoria  had  ascended  the  throne  in  1837.  Large  con- 
quests had  been  made  in  India. 

France  and  England  found  themselves  allies  in  1853-56  in  the 


VIEW  OF   EUROPE  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY.        145 


Crimean  War.  Russia,  always  with  an  envious  eye  on  Con- 
stantinople, found  a  pretext  for  war  with  Turkey.  France  and 
England  aided  Tur- 


key to  resist  in- 
vasion, and  saved  the 
Ottoman  Empire — 
"  the  sick  man  of 
Europe,"  whom  the 
governmental  d  o  c  - 
tors  will  not  permit 
to  die,  only  because 
they  cannot  agree 
upon  a  plan  for  dis- 
secting him. 

Napoleon  next 
joined  Victor  Eman- 
uel against  Austria, 
and  with  such  suc- 
cess that  the  union 
of  Italy  seemed  virtually  accomplished.  But  the  French 
emperor  made  a  separate  peace  with  Austria  by  which  the 
latter  was  to  retain  Venice.  All  the  other  countries  except  the 
papal  states  joined  Victor  Emanuel's  government,  and,  in  part 
at  least,  the  ideal  was  realized. 

The  attention  of  Europe  was  now  turned  toward  Germany, 
where  Prussia  and  Austria  only  needed  a  pretext  to  join 
battle.  Prussia  under  King  William,  Bismarck,  the  "iron 
chancellor,"  and  General  Von  Moltke,  had  become  powerful  in 
affairs  and  in  arms.  An  excuse  for  the  conflict  was  found  in  a 
dispute  over  the  control  of  a  small  district,  Schleswig-Holstein. 
War  was  declared  in  1866,  and  after  a  short,  vigorous  campaign 
ended  in  the  complete  triumph  of  Prussia  and  the  formation  of 
the  North  German  Confederation,  in  which  the  government  of 


146 


THE  UNITED  STATES    \M»    FOREIGN    i'oWKKS. 


William  I.  had  the  predominant  power,  and  the  command  of 
the  united  armies.  Austria,  as  one  of  the  articles  of  peace, 
ceded  Venice  to  Italy,  and  thus  another  step  was  taken  toward 
that  union  of  the  peninsula  which  was  accomplished  in  1871, 
when  French  interference  in  Rome  was  withdrawn. 

Napoleon  III.  was  chagrined  by  Prussia's  sudden  and  bril- 
liant victory.  He  had  hoped  to  act  as  arbitrator  in  the  dispute 
and  to  extend  French  territory  on  the  east.  The  French 
people  were  dissatisfied  with  the  empire  at  home  and  could  be 

appeased  only  by 
victories  abroad. 
Under  pressure  of 

•^D      ,£!".. ...^  necessity,  Napoleon 

found  excuse  in 
certain  fancied  in- 
sults, for  declaring 
war.  France  was 
aflame  at  once,  and 
Germany  respond- 
ed enthusiastically 
VBriI^lj  to  the  call  of  Prus- 
sia.  The  poorly 
equipped  and  disci- 
plined French  sol- 
diers were  no  match 
for  the  German 
troops.  Napoleon 
surrendered  at  Se- 


T  UNI  s 

(FrcncTi) 


dan,  September  1,  1870.  After  a  siege  of  four  months  Paris 
capitulated,  January  18, 1871.  Just  before  the  close  of  the  siege, 
the  German  princes  assembled  at  Versailles  and  decided  to  es- 
tablish a  German  empire.  William  of  Prussia  was  crowned 
emperor,  and  within  a  short  time  the  present  government  was 


VIEW  OF  EUROPE  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY.       147 


r  ,^-£-ts^s  Munich,-,. 

j  SW1IZEKLA :HP; -^L-pS^g^""""' 


fouBded.  The  German  Empire  is,  strictly  speaking,  a  federa- 
tion of  states,  each  of  which  conducts  its  own  domestic  affairs, 
surrendering  the 
management  of  for- 
eign relations,  the 
army,  and  the  navy, 
to  the  central  im- 
perial government. 
William  I.  was  suc- 
ceeded in  1888  by 
his  son  Frederick, 
who  in  a  few 
months  gave  place 
to  the  present  em- 
peror, William  II. 

The  Franco-Prussian  War  was  at  the  time  a  severe  blow  to 
France.  She  not  only  lost  Alsace  and  part  of  Lorraine,  but 
was  compelled  to  pay  an  enormous  sum  of  money.  Before  all 
the  German  troops  had  retired,  a  civil  war  broke  out  in 
Paris  between  the  provincial  government  and  the  wards  or 
communes,  which  demanded  an  extremely  democratic  consti- 
tution. The  city  was  given  up  to  fire  and  pillage,  during 
which  many  public  buildings  were  destroyed.  At  last  Thiers, 
president  of  the  new  republic,  with  the  aid  of  Marshall 
MacMahon,  restored  order.  In  1875  a  new  constitution  pro- 
viding for  a  president,  ministers,  and  a  legislature  of  two 
branches,  was  adopted,  and  is  now  in  force.  In  1880,  after  a 
hard  struggle,  the  public  school  system  was  taken  from  the  con- 
trol of  the  clergy.  The  present  republic  has  lasted  much  longer 
than  its  predecessors,  and  seems  fairly  stable.  The  French 
are  naturally  dissatisfied  with  the  loss  of  territory  and  fame, 
and  there  are  frequent,  though  generally  idle,  rumors  of  war. 

Bussia  has  grown  in  importance  during  the  century.     In 


148  THE    r.\ITKI>   S'I'ATKS   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

spite  of  the  check  renivol  in  the  Crimean  War,  she  again  en- 
gaged Turkey  in  1877,  hut  the  interposition  of  other  powers 
robbed  her  of  the  best  fruits  of  her  victory.  England,  by  the 
occupation  of  Egypt  in  1882  and  by  "  protecting  "  the  country 
ever  since,  has  guarded  that  important  highway  to  India,  the 
Suez  Canal,  and  retained  an  indirect  influence  in  Turkish 
affairs.  Great  Britain  as  well  as  other  European  powers,  has 
gained  territory  in  Africa  and  elsewhere,  and  extended  an 
empire  already  vast.  That  the  relations  of  dependencies  like 
Canada  to  the  imperial  government  present  certain  difficul- 
ties, has  been  shown  by  such  cases  as  the  fishery  and  sealing 
disputes  with  the  United  States. 

One  hundred  years  have  seen  great  changes  in  Europe,  not 
only  in  the  rearrangement  and  consolidation  of  governments, 
but  in  social  and  political  ideas.  In  most  cases  the  forms  of 
monarchy  have  been  retained,  but  outside  of  Russia  the  theory 
of  "divine  right"  goes  begging.  The  democratic  spirit  is 
growing  rapidly  in  Germany  ;  England's  royalty  is  hardly 
more  than  an  historical  and  sentimental  appendage  to  an 
essentially  republican  government ;  Italy's  constitution  is 
liberal  ;  Austria,  though  still  accounted  conservative,  is  by  no 
means  Metternich's  ideal  state ;  Spain  seems  likely  at  almost 
any  time  to  make  another  republican  experiment ;  Belgium, 
Holland,  Sweden,  are  far  from  oppressive  kingdoms  ;  and  little 
Switzerland  through  all  these  stormy  years  has  maintained 
with  slight  changes  her  sturdy  republicanism. 


CHAPTEE  XL 

GENERAL  DIPLOMATIC    RELATIONS   WITH   GREAT   BRITAIN. 

The  young  republic,  in  its  infancy,  was  confronted  with 
diplomatic  problems  quite  as  serious  and  perplexing  as  any 
that  have  since  occupied  the  attention  of  its  statesmen. 
The  chief  difficulties  of  Washington's  administration  were 
found  in  the  preservation  of  peace  with  foreign  powers,  and 
the  necessity  of  peace  was  never  so  urgent.  The  states  were 
just  recovering  from  the  devastation  and  impoverishment 
of  an  eight  years'  war  ;  they  had  no  army  and  no  navy  ;  the 
revenues  were  meager,  and  the  public  debt  was  large.  The 
populated  portion  of  the  country  was  but  a  narrow  strip  of 
land  along  the  Atlantic  coast,  with  harbors  unprotected  and 
nearly  every  city  of  commercial  importance  within  range  of 
the  guns  of  a  hostile  fleet.  Behind  these  settlements  were 
tribes  of  savages  in  a  continual  state  of  irritation  that  was 
caused  and  increased  to  a  large  degree  by  foreign  influences. 

It  may  be  said  that  throughout  the  entire  world  there  was  a 
general  and  genuine  sympathy  with  the  infant  nation,  Eng- 
land alone  excepted,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  success 
of  popular  government  in  America  was  a  menace  to  the 
thrones  of  Europe.  When  Washington  became  President  in 
1789,  six  years  after  the  close  of  the  struggle  for  independence, 
eight  treaties  had  been  concluded  with  foreign  powers.  Em- 
bodied in  these  treaties  was  a  policy  whose  broad  statesman- 

149 


150 


tin:  imii:i»  states  and  foreign  POWERS. 


ship  and  ripe  wisdom  commanded  the  respect  and  admiration 
of  the  world,  and  furnished  an  example  that  has  had  a  power- 
ful and  perpetual  influence  upon  the  diplomacy  of  all  civilized 
nations.    Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  other  patriots, 

by  whom  the 
treaties  were  nego- 
tiated, by  their 
skill  and  candor 
not  only  suc- 
ceeded in  securing 
a  n  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  rights 
of  the  republic, 
but  the  recog- 
nition of  prin- 
ciples of  inter- 
national law  more 
just  and  generous 
than  had  ever  be- 
fore been  enunci- 
ated. More  than 
thirty  years  after- 
wards, Lord  Can- 
ning, the  British 


secretary  of  state 
for  foreign  affairs, 
declared  in  the 
House  of  Com- 
mons   that    if    a 

guide  were  needed  for  a  system  of  neutrality  it  could  be  found 

in  these  documents. 
But  Washington  had  scarcely  taken  his  seat  as  President 

when  he  found  himself  involved  in  the  most  serious  complica- 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS   WITH   GREAT  BRITAIN.  151 

tions  with  France,  which  had  been  our  ally  during  the  Revolu- 
tion, as  well  as  with  Great  Britain,  which  refused  to  comply 
with  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  In  this  treaty,  made  in 
1783,  England  agreed  to  abandon,  without  delay,  all  fortifica- 
tions and  military  posts  within  the  boundaries  of  the  United 
States ;  but  in  1789  her  army  still  remained  in  possession  of 
Detroit,  Niagara,  Oswego,  Lake  Champlain,  Ogdensburg, 
Mackinaw,  and  other  points  which  commanded  the  northern 
and  western  frontier  of  the  country,  as  her  fleets  commanded 
the  harbors  on  the  Atlantic.  At  the  same  time  England  re- 
fused to  pay  the  damages  agreed  upon  for  carrying  off  slaves 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  forbade  trade  between  the  United 
States  and  her  colonies  in  the  West  Indies,  whence  came  our 
supplies  of  sugar,  coffee,  and  other  tropical  products. 

As  an  excuse  for  this  England  charged  that  the  United 
States  had  neglected  to  restore  the  confiscated  estates  of 
citizens  who  had  remained  loyal  to  the  crown  during  the  Revo- 
lution, and  prevented  the  collection  of  debts  of  'American 
citizens  contracted  in  London  and  other  British  cities  before 
the  war.  She  had  refused  to  send  a  minister  to  this  country, 
and  by  other  means  shown  contempt  for  her  former  colonies. 

For  three  weary  years  John  Adams  remained  in  London  en- 
deavoring to  secure  an  adjustment  of  the  difficulties,  and  then 
returned  to  the  United  States  to  assume  the  office  of  Vice 
President,  to  which  he  had  been  elected.  Gouverneur  Morris, 
who  was  residing  in  Paris,  was  sent  to  London  to  see  what  he 
could  do,  and  succeeded  in  persuading  the  British  government 
to  send  a  minister  to  the  United  States,  but  he  made  no 
further  progress,  and  in  1791  Thomas  Pinckney  was  appointed 
as  his  successor.  Under  instructions  from  Mr.  Jefferson,  then 
secretary  of  state,  Mr.  Pinckney  earnestly  pressed  the  claims 
of  the  United  States,  demanding  that  the  posts  upon  the 
frontier  should  be  evacuated  ;  that  free  navigation  should  be 


152  I  in:   [JNTTED  STATES  and   FOREIGN    POWEBS. 

permitted  upon  the  lakes  and  rivers  that  formed  the  boundary 
With  Canada  ;  that  the  fur  trade  in  the  Nurt  Invest  should  not 
be  interrupted;  that  American  seamen  should  not  be  im- 
pressed into  the  British  service  ;  and  that  other  causes  of  com- 
plaint should  be  removed.  But,  although  Mr.  JefFerson  wrote 
many  long  and  convincing  arguments,  Mr.  Pinckney  was  kept 
waiting  in  the  anteroom  of  the  foreign  office  at  London,  where 
he  got  few  replies  and  no  satisfaction. 

Then  came  the  troubles  with  France.  In  1778,  to  secure 
her  friendship  and  assistance,  the  American  colonies,  then 
in  the  midst  of  the  Revolution,  made  a  treaty  of  alliance 
with  that  government,  under  which  they  guaranteed  to 
protect  the  French  possessions  in  America.  They  also  stipu- 
lated that  French  privateers  should  always  have  the  right 
to  seek  refuge  in  our  harbors  to  obtain  provisions  and  other 
supplies  ;  and  to  bring  into  them  for  sale  or  repair  any  vessels 
that  they  might  capture  at  sea.  This  was  a  favorable  treaty 
for  the  United  States  when  we  were  at  war  with  England,  but 
when  we  were  trying  to  preserve  peace  with  her  it  was  not ; 
for  France,  being  now  in  open  hostilities  with  England, 
demanded  the  privileges  which  the  treaty  bestowed.  If  our 
government  adhered  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  it  meant 
another  war  with  England ;  a  violation  of  those  terms 
threatened  a  war  with  France. 

To  make  the  situation  more  serious  there  was  a  bitter  and 
determined  struggle  between  the  two  political  parties  in  the 
United  States.  The  Democrats,  or  Republicans,  for  the  same 
party  was  then  known  by  both  names,  under  the  leadership  of 
Jefferson,  were  outspoken  in  their  hostility  to  England  ;  and 
the  Federalists,  with  Alexander  Hamilton  at  their  head, 
favored  a  conciliatory  policy  and  a  strict  adherence  to  neu- 
trality toward  the  European  powers.  Both  leaders  were  mem- 
bers of  Washington's  cabinet  and  the  struggle  was  carried 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   GREAT   BRITAIN.  153 

to  the  desk  of  the  President.  Washington,  in  the  midst  of 
these  perplexities,  decided  upon  the  policy  advocated  by  Ham- 
ilton, and  issued  a  proclamation  warning  all  citizens  of  the 
United  States  against  participation  in  the  struggle  between 
England  and  France,  and  forbidding  them  to  give  aid  or  com- 
fort to  either  of  the  belligerents.  At  the  same  time  Hamilton, 
who  was  secretary  of  the  treasury,  issued  an  order  to  collectors 
of  customs  directing  them  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  French 
privateers  to  our  ports,  and  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  ammunition 
and  supplies  to  foreign  vessels.  Whereupon  Mr.  Jefferson 
retired  from  the  cabinet. 

But  in  spite  of  the  proclamation  of  the  President  and  the 
order  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  public  sympathy  with 
France  was  so  universal  throughout  the  states,  and  the  ani- 
mosity toward  England  so  bitter,  that  French  privateers  were 
hailed  with  a  joyous  welcome  whenever  they  entered  one 
of  the  harbors  on  the  Atlantic,  and  they  were  not  only  able  to 
secure  all  the  supplies  they  needed,  but  were  allowed  to  bring 
in  captured  vessels  of  Great  Britain,  and  sell  them  and  their 
cargoes  to  our  citizens.  Agents  of  the  French  government 
found  no  difficulty  in  purchasing  arms  and  ammunition, 
and  the  French  minister,  M.  Genet,  who  landed  at  Charleston 
in  a  privateer,  was  followed  to  the  seat  of  government  at  Phila- 
delphia by  ovations  which  equaled  those  that  greeted  Wash- 
ington on  his  journey  to  New  York  after  he  was  elected 
President. 

The  followers  of  Jefferson  in  Congress,  where  sympathy 
with  France  was  unconcealed,  introduced  a  bill  closing  the 
ports  of  the  United  States  to  British  commerce.  The  enact- 
ment of  such  a  law  would  unquestionably  have  resulted  in 
a  war  with  England,  and  there  was  a  very  narrow  escape,  for 
it  actually  passed  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  spite  of  the 
remonstrances  of   Washington  and  Hamilton,  and  was  de- 


154  THE    [JOTTED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN    POWERS. 

feated  in  the  Senate  only  by  the  vote  of  John  Adams,  who  as 
Vice  President  was  presiding  over  that  body. 

To  allay  the  excitement  in  England  and  counteract  the 
effect  of  the  hostile  demonstrations  among  our  people,  the 
President  decided  to  send  as  minister  to  London,  Alexander 
Hamilton,  who  was  born  in  the  British  West  Indies,  and 
whose  cordial  sentiments  toward  the  British  government  were 
well  understood  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  ;  but  he  re- 
considered that  determination  when  it  was  found  that  Hamil- 
ton's nomination  would  be  rejected  by  the  Senate.  John  Jay, 
afterwards  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  therefore 
selected,  and  he,  with  the  powerful  influence  of  public  senti- 
ment in  the  United  States,  succeeded  in  bringing  England 
to  terms.    He  negotiated  a  treaty  which  provided  : 

(1)  That  the  frontier  posts  should  be  evacuated  by  British 
troops  within  two  years. 

(2)  That  there  should  be  free  commercial  intercourse  across 
the  border  between  the  United  States  and  the  British  pos- 
sessions. 

(3)  That  trade  could  be  carried  on  between  the  United  States 
and  the  British  West  Indies  by  vessels  of  both  nations  carry- 
ing only  the  products  of  either  country. 

(4)  That  foreign  privateers  should  not  be  allowed  to  fit 
or  arm  in  the  ports  of  either  country  for  war  against  their 
vessels. 

(5)  That  criminals  taking  refuge  in  either  country  should  be 
surrendered. 

(G)  That  commissions  should  be  appointed  to  survey  the 
upper  Mississippi  River  ;  to  determine  the  boundaiy  between 
the  United  States  and  Canada  along  the  St.  Croix  River ; 
to  settle  debts  contracted  by  American  citizens  in  England  be- 
fore the  Revolution  ;  and  to  assess  damages  sustained  by 
American  commerce  from  British  privateers. 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN.         155 

While  this  treaty  was  in  fact  a  great  triumph  for  Ameri- 
can diplomacy,  it  was  bitterly  denounced  by  French  sym- 
pathizers in  the  United  States,  and  public  meetings  were  held 
all  over  the  country  to  condemn  the  action  of  our  government. 
But  it  was  finally  ratified  by  the  Senate,  by  a  narrow 
majority,  and  public  excitement  subsided. 

But  the  great  defect  in  the  treaty  was  the  absence  of  any 
provision  to  prohibit  the  impressment  of  American  seamen 
into  the  British  service,  and  it  was  soon  realized  in  a  serious 
manner.  Complaints  of  this  character  were  frequent  and  they 
finally  culminated  in  an  attack  upon  the  United  States  man- 
of-war  Cliesapeake  by  the  British  frigate  Leopard,  which  de- 
manded the  right  of  search  for  some  deserters  from  the 
British  navy  who  were  alleged  to  be  serving  on  the  former 
vessel.  Taken  by  surprise,  the  Chesapeake  surrendered  after  a 
brief  engagement  and  four  sailors  were  taken  off.  Our  govern- 
ment demanded  reparation  and  an  apology,  and  a  proclamation 
was  issued  ordering  all  British  vessels  to  leave  American 
waters.  Mr.  Monroe,  who  was  minister  to  England,  failing  to 
secure  satisfaction,  left  for  home,  and  the  British  government 
issued  a  retaliatory  decree  prohibiting  trade  between  the 
United  States  and  countries  that  were  then  at  war  with 
England. 

Lord  Erskine,  the  British  minister,  proposed  that  this  order 
should  be  withdrawn,  and  that  reparation  would  be  awarded 
for  the  Chesapeake  incident,  provided  the  United  States  would 
revoke  its  decree  against  British  vessels.  On  his  faith  in  this 
assurance  the  President  withdrew  the  order,  but  the  British 
government  claimed  that  Erskine  was  not  authorized  to  make 
the  proposition,  and  refused  to  comply  with  its  terms.  All  at- 
tempts to  settle  the  difference  by  diplomatic  negotiation 
having  failed,  the  President,  on  the  19th  of  June,  1812,  pro- 
claimed war,  and  hostilities  began. 


156  I  Hi:    UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

In  March,  1813,  the  emperor  of  Russia  offered  his  services 
as  mediator,  and  they  were  accepted  by  the  United  States 
but  refused  by  Great  Britain.  The  latter  government,  how- 
ever, consented  to  meet  on  other  neutral  ground,  and  a  com- 
mission, consisting  of  Albert  Gallatin,  James  A.  Bayard,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  Henry  Clay,  and  Jonathan  Russell,  was  sent 
to  the  city  of  Ghent,  Belgium,  to  meet  Lord  Gambier,  Henry 
Goulburn,  and  William  Adams,  the  representatives  of  Great 
Britain.  The  British  demands,  as  originally  made,  were  re- 
jected, but  being  modified  afterwards,  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
concluded  on  the  24th  of  December,  1814. 

Although,  singularly  enough,  not  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
war  was  alluded  to  in  this  treaty,  and  the  right  of  Great 
Britain  to  impress  American  seamen  was  not  even  discussed, 
the  result  was  received  with  great  favor  in  the  United  States, 
and  the  President  in  communicating  the  information  to  Con- 
gress declared  that  "  it  terminates  with  peculiar  felicity  a 
campaign  signalized  by  the  most  brilliant  successes." 

This  treaty  provided  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  the 
restoration  of  prisoners  taken,  the  suppression  of  the  slave 
trade,  and  the  establishment  of  the  boundaries  between  the 
United  States  and  the  British  possessions  in  America  by  a 
joint  commission. 

In  1815,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Mr.  Clay,  and  Mr.  Gallatin 
were  appointed  commissioners  to  negotiate  a  commercial 
treaty  with  Great  Britain.  This  treaty  provided  for  free  com- 
merce between  the  ports  of  the  two  countries,  and  with 
the  British  colonies  in  the  East  Indies,  and  left  the  conditions 
of  trade  with  the  West  Indies  as  had  been  arranged  by  the 
treaty  made  by  Mr.  Jay  in  1793.  It  also  stipulated  that  all 
duties  and  port  charges  should  be  the  same  upon  the  vessels 
and  products  of  both  countries. 
In  1818  another  negotiation  was  made  necessary  by  a  differ- 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   GREAT   BRITAIN.  157 

ence  of  interpretation  of  the  meaning  of  the  previous  treaties, 
and  another  attempt  was  made  to  secure  our  ships  from  the 
right  of  search  for  alleged  British  subjects,  and  to  prevent  the 
impressment  of  American  citizens  ;  but  the  only  concession 
that  could  be  obtained  was  an  agreement  that  American 
vessels  should  not  be  interfered  with  while  England  was  at 
peace.  The  same  treaty  provided  that  the  naval  forces  upon 
the  lakes  should  be  limited  to  one  vessel  for  each  nation  on 
Lake  Ontario,  two  vessels  on  the  upper  lakes,  and  one  on  Lake 
Champlain,  but  none  of  them  were  to  be  of  more  than  one 
hundred  tons  burden  or  carry  more  than  one  eighteen-pound 
cannon.  It  also  provided  that  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  should  have  the  right  to  fish  only  along  certain  un- 
inhabited coasts  of  Newfoundland  and  Labrador,  and  that 
their  vessels  should  only  be  permitted  to  enter  the  bays  and 
harbors  of  the  British  possessions  for  shelter  in  time  of  storm, 
and  for  repairs,  wood,  and  water.  The  49th  parallel  of  latitude 
was  agreed  upon  as  the  boundary  line  from  the  Lake  of 
the  Woods  to  the  Rocky  (then  called  Stony)  Mountains, 
and  the  English  renounced  their  claim  to  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  River. 

The  emperor  of  Russia,  who  had  been  selected  to  settle  a  dis- 
pute as  to  the  meaning  of  the  first  article  of  the  treaty  of  1814, 
decided  that  the  United  States  was  entitled  to  indemnification 
for  slaves  carried  away  by  the  British  at  the  close  of  the  Revo- 
lution ;  a  commission  was  appointed  to  assess  the  damages, 
and  in  1826  the  sum  of  $1,204,960  was  paid  by  England  to  settle 
all  claims. 

The  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River  by  an 
American  vessel,  and  the  exploration  of  its  headwaters  by 
Lewis  and  Clark,  gave  the  United  States  the  right  of  title  to  a 
large  tract  of  territory  in  the  Northwest,  which  was  acknowl- 
edged by  Great  Britain  by  a  treaty  in  1827,  but  the  boundary 


THK   UNITED  STATES    \M>    FOREIGN   POWEXtS. 

question  was  again  under  discussion  in  1S42  between  Daniel 
Webster  and  Lord  Ashburton.  In  the  tnaty  arranged  by 
them  the  line  of  partition  between  the  two  countries  was 
minutely  described  from  the  easternmost  frontier  of  Maine  to 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  limits  of  the  British  possessions 
west  of  the  mountains  were  determined  by  a  treaty  negotiated 
by  James  Buchanan  and  Lord  Pakenham  in  1846.  The  49th 
parallel  was  accepted  as  the  boundary  to  the  point  in  the  chan- 
nel separating  Vancouver  Island  from  the  mainland,  and 
from  that  point  to  the  ocean. 

In  the  Webster- Ashburton  treaty  both  governments  agreed 
to  unite  in  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  and  the  list 
of  crimes  for  which  fugitives  might  be  extradited  was  consider- 
ably enlarged. 

During  the  Crimean  War  the  British  authorities  attempted 
to  secure  recruits  for  its  armies  in  the  United  States.  Regular 
recruiting  stations  were  not  opened,  but  agencies  were  estab- 
lished in  some  of  the  larger  cities  where  transportation  was 
furnished  to  able-bodied  men  wrho  would  go  to  Canada  for  the 
purpose  of  enlistment.  Our  government  complained  that  this 
was  an  evasion  of  the  principle  of  neutrality  and  after  some 
correspondence  it  was  stopped. 

The  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  furnished  many  serious 
subjects  for  diplomatic  controversy  and  negotiation  with 
Great  Britain.  One  grew  out  of  the  seizure  of  Messrs.  Mason 
and  Slidell,  the  ministers  accredited  by  the  Confederacy  to 
England  and  France.  These  gentlemen,  having  reached 
Havana  on  a  blockade  runner,  took  passage  for  Southampton 
on  the  British  mail  steamer  Trent,  which  was  overhauled  at 
sea  by  Captain  Wilkes  of  the  U.  S.  gunboat  Jacinto.  The 
British  government,  claiming  that  the  arrest  was  an  assault 
upon  its  flag,  demanded  the  release  of  the  prisoners  and  an  ap- 
propriate apology.    The  prisoners  were  released,  and  Secretary 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   GREAT   BRITAIN.  159 

Seward  admitted  that  Captain  Wilkes  had  exceeded  his  in- 
structions, holding  that  he  should  have  conveyed  the  Trent  to 
the  nearest  port  where  the  arrests  could  be  formally  made 
under  judicial  authority.  To  this  proposition  Lord  Russell 
dissented,  and  denied  to  the  United  States  the  right  which  the 
British  government  had  always  claimed,  and  by  the  exercise 
of  which  it  brought  on  the  War  of  1812,— that  is,  the  right 
to  search  a  neutral  vessel  for  belligerents. 

During  the  war,  the  Confederate  authorities  succeeded  in 
securing  and  fitting  out  at  English  ports  several  privateers, 
chief  of  which  was  the  Alabama,  and  they  committed  many 
depredations  upon  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  Our 
government  held  that  this  was  in  violation  of  the  laws  of 
neutrality  and  its  treaties  with  the  British  government.  The 
question  was  submitted  to  a  joint  commission,  which  met 
at  Washington  in  1871  and  decided  that  the  claims  for 
damages  by  these  cruisers  should  be  settled  by  the  arbitra- 
tion *  of  a  court  to  meet  at  Geneva,  Switzerland.  The  same 
commission  concluded  what  is  known  as  the  treaty  of  Wash- 
ington, in  which  the  rights  and  obligations  of  neutral  nations 
were  clearly  defined : 

(1)  That  they  should  prevent  the  equipment  in  their  ports  of 
vessels  intended  for  war  or  for  the  destruction  of  commerce. 

(2)  That  they  should  not  permit  their  ports  to  be  used  as 
a  base  of  supplies  for  such  vessels. 

(3)  That  they  should  use  all  possible  vigilance  to  prevent  the 
violation  of  these  rules. 

The  same  commission  took  under  consideration  the  fisheries 
and  other  questions,  and  by  the  treaty  recognized  the  equal 
reciprocal  rights  of  the  citizens  of  both  countries  to  the  fishing 
grounds    in    the    waters    of  the    United   States  and    British 


*  The  Geneva  arbitration  and  the  fisheries  question  are  treated  else- 
where (see  Chapter  XII). 


160  THE    DNITBD  STATKS  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

North  America.  A  commission  was  authorized  to  decide  what 
compensation,  if  any,  should  be  paid  by  the  United  States  for 
this  privilege  ;  tbe  navigation  of  the  rivers,  lakes,  and  canals 
between  the  United  States  and  Canada  was  declared  free  ; 
a  plan  was  adopted  for  the  shipment  in  bond  through  the 
United  States  and  Canada  of  goods  intended  for  the  interior 
cities  of  both  countries  ;  and  the  disputed  boundary  along 
Puget  Sound  was  left  to  the  arbitration  of  the  emperor  of 
Germany. 

When  the  revolt  of  the  Irish  subjects  of  Great  Britain  in 
America  began  in  1866,  the  British  government  suspended  the 
habeas  corpus  with  as  much  promptness  as  they  had  displayed 
in  censuring  the  United  States  for  the  same  act  in  1861.  In 
View  of  the  crisis  Mr.  Seward,  who  was  secretary  of  state,  in- 
structed Mr.  Adams,  our  minister  to  London,  that  it  was  "  by 
no  means  the  purpose  or  policy  of  the  United  States  to  suffer 
their  own  laws  to  be  violated  or  their  honor  and  dignity  to  be 
compromised.  It  may  be  expected  that  some  of  our  Irish-born 
naturalized  citizens  will  be  arrested  on  complaints  of  com- 
plicity in  seditious  proceedings.  It  may  also  be  expected  that 
some  who  will  thus  be  accused  will  be  innocent,  while  others 
will  be  guilty.  Give  a  careful  examination  to  each  complaint, 
dealing  at  all  times  frankly  with  the  British  government  and 
asking  on  their  part  strict  justice  in  their  proceedings  where 
American  citizens  are  concerned." 

This  line  of  policy  was  pursued  during  the  Fenian  disorders. 
Abroad  the  rights  of  American  citizens  were  protected.  At 
home  the  violation  of  the  neutrality  laws  was  resented.  Three 
months  later  there  was  an  attempt  to  invade  Canada.  On  the 
30th  of  May,  1867,  numbers  of  so-called  Fenians  appeared 
at  Buffalo,  and  it  was  rumored  that  others  were  proceeding 
toward  Potsdam,  N.  Y.,  and  toward  St.  Albans,  Vermont, 
with  the  purpose  of  invading  Canada.    On  the  night  of  the 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN.         161 

30th  one  thousand  men  passed  over  the  Black  Rock  ferry 
at  Buffalo,  but  they  were  intercepted  and  seven  hundred  were 
captured  by  the  United  States  steamer  Michigan.  Two  days 
after,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  warning  all  citizens 
of  the  United  States  against  taking  part  in  the  movement, 
and  directing  General  Meade  to  employ  the  land  and  naval 
force  of  the  United  States  and  the  militia  of  the  several  states 
to  defeat  the  purposes  of  the  conspirators. 

The  prompt  action  of  the  President  had  the  effect  of  sup- 
pressing any  further  attempt  at  invasion  from  the  United 
States.  A  number  of  those  who  had  crossed  over  to  Fort  Erie, 
Canada,  among  whom  were  Colonel  Robert  B.  Lynch  and  the 
Rev.  Father  McMahon,  a  Roman  Catholic  priest  from  Indiana, 
were  captured  by  the  Canadian  forces.  These  prisoners  were 
tried  in  Toronto  for  treason  and  condemned  to  death.  Secretary 
Seward,  in  order  to  protect  any  rights  that  the  prisoners  might 
be  entitled  to  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  directed  the 
consul  to  secure  the  services  of  counsel  (Mr.  Devlin)  to  defend 
them.  Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Devlin,  Mr.  Lynch 
and  Father  McMahon  were  condemned  to  death.  This  severe 
penalty  imposed  upon  two  citizens  who  claimed  to  have 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  belligerent  movement, 
aroused  great  interest  throughout  the  country,  and  among 
others  the  legislature  of  Vermont  and  the  council  of  Chicago 
petitioned  for  clemency.  After  repeated  applications  by  the 
secretary  of  state,  he  was  at  last  successful,  and  the  sentence 
in  both  cases  was  commuted  to  imprisonment  for  life.  The 
prisoners  captured  by  the  Michigan  were  held  for  trial  before 
the  United  States  district  court  at  Buffalo,  but  all  hostile 
demonstrations  having  ceased  the  cases  were  never  prosecuted. 

An  interesting  discussion  between  the  two  countries  was 
awakened  by  the  arrest  in  England  of  a  man  named  Winslow, 
who  had  committed  extensive  forgeries  in  Massachusetts  and 


162  THE   UNITED  STATES   AND  FOREIGN   TOWERS. 

fled  from  the  country.  The  British  government  refused 
to  surrender  hirn  unless  the  United  States  would  agree  that 
he  should  not  be  tried  for  any  other  offense  than  that  for 
which  his  extradition  Mas  asked.  This  was  refused  and  Wills- 
low  being  released  fled  to  the  Argentine  Republic,  where  he 
has  since  been  residing. 

During  the  presidential  campaign  of  1888,  Sir  Lionel 
Sackville-West,  the  British  minister  at  Washington,  received 
a  letter  from  a  man  in  California,  who  gave  the  name  of  Mur- 
chison,  and  claimed  to  be  a  naturalized  Englishman.  He 
asked  the  advice  of  the  British  legation  as  to  which  candidate 
for  President  lie  should  support,  as  he  desired  to  vote  with  the 
party  whose  success  would  most  promote  the  interests  of  Great 
Britain  in  the  United  States.  To  this  the  British  minister 
replied  with  great  frankness,  expressing  his  opinion  and  his 
preference.  The  letter  was  widely  published  as  a  campaign 
document  by  the  opposing  party,  and  President  Cleveland 
asked  the  British  government  to  recall  Sackville-West  because 
he  had  been  guilty  of  unwarranted  interference  in  the  domes- 
tic afTairs  of  the  United  States  and  was  no  longer  a  persona 
grata.  Sir  Lionel  insisted  that  his  letter  to  Murchison  was 
a  private  and  not  an  official  communication,  but  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  refused  to  recognize  him  as  a 
medium  of  correspondence  between  the  two  countries  and 
he  was  recalled. 

Three  months  having  elapsed  before  the  appointment  of  his 
successor,  Secretary  Bayard  intimated  that,  unless  the  vacancy 
was  filled,  the  United  States  would  withdraw  its  minister  from 
London.  The  British  government,  however,  gave  an  assur- 
ance that  no  affront  was  intended,  but  the  vacancy  was 
continued  until  the  retirement  of  President  Cleveland  and  the 
inauguration  of  his  successor. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN — THE   BERING 
SEA  AND  FISHERIES  QUESTIONS. 

The  people  of  the  colonies  which  afterwards  became  the 
United  States  had  enjoyed,  during  the  period  preceding  the 
Revolution,  in  common  with  their  fellow  colonists  of  Nova 
Scotia  and  New  Brunswick,  the  right  of  fishing  all  along  the 
Atlantic  from  off  New  England,  where  the  schools  of  cod  and 
mackerel  were  met  in  the  early  spring,  to  the  limits  of  their 
northward  course  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy  or  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence,  and  the  bays  and  inlets  of  the  coasts.  The  claim 
was  made  by  Great  Britain  during  the  negotiations  at  Paris  in 
1782  that  resulted  in  the  recognition  of  our  independence,  that 
the  war  of  the  Revolution  had  canceled  that  right,  but  the 
American  commissioners  would  not  agree  to  such  a  proposi- 
tion. 

Thus  the  matter  stood  down  to  the  declaration  of  war  in 
1812,  although  the  right  of  our  fishermen  to  approach  the 
shores  of  the  British  possessions  was  questioned  in  many  cases, 
and  there  were  many  contentions  and  frequent  collisions 
between  the  rival  fishermen.  After  the  two  governments  had 
agreed  to  consider  terms  for  peace  at  Ghent  in  1814,  the  com- 
missioners for  Great  Britain  insisted  that,  as  the  treaty  of  1783 
which  recognized  American  fishing  rights  had  fallen  by  the 
declaration    of  war,   his  majesty's   government   would    not 

163 


164  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

renew  the  privilege  of  fishing  along  the  Newfoundland  banks 
without  some  equivalent  concession  from  the  United  States. 
It  was  claimed  by  them  that  the  liberty  enjoyed  by  the  Ameri- 
can fishermen  was  granted  by  the  treaty  and  when  the  treaty 
fell  the  fishing  right  fell  with  it. 

The  American  commissioners  denied  this,  and  held  that  the 
rights  and  liberties  in  the  fisheries  as  acknowledged  by  the 
treaty  of  peace  and  independence  in  1783  belonged  permanently 
to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  were  no  more  affected 
by  the  War  of  1812  than  were  the  boundaries  of  the  country. 
Taken  by  surprise  and  having  received  no  instructions  from 
the  President  on  this  subject,  but  unwilling  to  give  up  their 
position,  the  Americans  proposed  to  the  English  commission- 
ers that  the  stipulation  of  the  treaty  of  1783  should  be  re- 
peated or  that  the  matter  should  be  temporarily  laid  aside. 
The  latter  course  was  adopted,  and  so  the  treaty  of  Ghent  was 
silent  on  the  subject  of  the  fisheries. 

Negotiations  were  continued,  however,  and  although  it  was 
not  possible  to  come  to  an  agreement  when  the  commercial 
treaty  of  1815  was  signed,  the  treaty  of  1818  defined  the  places 
where  it  was  agreed  that  American  citizens  should  forever 
have  the  right  to  take  fish,  naming  also  specific  localities  where 
they  might  land  to  cure  them,  and  renouncing  the  liberty 
which  they  had  claimed  and  enjoyed  "  to  take,  dry,  or  cure 
fish  on  or  within  three  marine  miles  of  any  of  the  coasts,  bays, 
creeks,  or  harbors  of  his  Britannic  majesty's  dominions 
not  included  in  the  above  mentioned  limits.  Provided,  how- 
ever, that  the  American  fishermen  shall  be  permitted  to  enter 
such  bays  or  harbors  for  the  purpose  of  shelter,  of  repairing 
damages  therein,  of  purchasing  wood,  and  obtaining  water, 
and  for  no  other  purpose  whatever." 

But  the  meaning  of  the  "four  purposes"  defined  in  the 
above  quotation  from  the  treaty,  and  what  is  known  as  the 


THE  BERING  SEA  AND  FISHERIES  QUESTIONS.  165 

"headland  theory,"  have  given  rise  to  continual  corre- 
spondence and  discussions,  which,  beginning  soon  after  the 
adoption  of  the  treaty  of  1818,  are  still  going  on.  The  legis- 
latures of  the  British  colonies  adopted  many  laws  declared 
to  be  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  agreement, 
but  very  much  more  stringent,  and,  under  these,  many  Ameri- 
can fishing  vessels  have  been  seized  and  sold  for  alleged 
violations  of  the  treaty.  The  British  have  claimed  that  the 
three  marine  miles  specified  in  the  treaty  should  be  computed 
as  three  miles  from  a  straight  line  connecting  one  headland 
with  another,  and  should  include  all  the  water  within  such 
a  line  even  though  the  shore  might  be  many  leagues  distant 
from  it.  The  Americans  have  insisted  that  the  three-mile 
limit  should  be  measured  by  following  the  actual  shore  line 
and  that  beyond  such  a  parallel  three  miles  from  the  coast  lies 
the  open  sea. 

Neither  side  would  admit  the  contention  of  the  other ; 
American  vessels  continued  to  be  seized ;  and  in  1852  a 
squadron  was  sent  by  the  British  government  to  the  fisbing 
waters  to  secure  the  enforcement  of  the  British  statutes  ;  but  a 
respite  was  secured  in  1854  by  the  adoption  of  the  reciprocity 
treaty,  which,  in  return  for  the  permission  to  import  certain 
British- American  products  free  of  duty  into  the  United  States, 
granted  to  American  fishermen  "the  liberty  to  take  fish  of 
every  kind,  except  shellfish,  on  the  seacoasts  and  shores, 
and  in  the  bays,  harbors,  and  creeks  of  Canada,  New  Bruns- 
wick, Nova  Scotia,  Prince  Edward  Island,  and  the  several 
islands  thereunto  adjacent,  without  being  restricted  to  any  dis- 
tance from  the  shore."  Permission  was  also  given  to  Ameri- 
can citizens  to  land  on  the  coasts  in  order  to  cure  their  fish 
and  dry  their  nets. 

This  agreement  brought  with  it  a  temporary  cessation  of  the 
discussion,  and  the  fishing  fleets  of  the  United  States  were  no 


16G  THE   UNITED  STATES   AND  FOREIGN    POWERS. 

longer  interfered  with,  until  the  denunciation  of  the  treaty  in 
1866  by  the  United  States.  Then  the  legislatures  of  the 
British  colonies  enacted  stringent  laws  to  prevent  the  Ameri- 
cans from  taking  fish  along  their  shores,  and  the  troublesome 
question  again  occupied  the  time  of  the  foreign  departments  of 
the  two  countries.  Many  protests  and  counter-protests  were 
filed  against  the  abuse  of  privileges  by  the  fishermen  and 
against  the  unwarranted  exercise  of  authority  by  the  officials. 

With  a  view  to  settling  these  disputes,  Sir  Edward  Thornton 
proposed  to  Secretary  Fish,  in  January,  1871,  that  a  joint  high 
commission  should  take  the  matter  into  consideration.  The 
proposition  was  accepted  by  the  secretary  on  the  condition 
that  the  claims  of  the  United  States  for  damages  committed 
by  the  privateer  Alabama  during  the  War  of  the  Rebellion 
should  be  submitted  to  the  same  commission  for  adjustment. 
This  commission  concluded  what  is  known  as  the  "treaty  of 
Washington,"  in  which  it  was  agreed  that  for  ten  years  or 
until  either  government  should  give  two  years'  notice  of  a 
desire  to  terminate  it,  the  inhabitants  of  both  countries  should 
have  an  equal  right  to  engage  in  the  sea  fisheries  on  the 
Atlantic  coast  under  the  same  conditions  that  were  provided 
for  in  the  reciprocity  treaty  of  185-1 ;  fish  and  fish  oil  were  to 
be  admitted  free  into  each  country  from  the  other  ;  and  com- 
missioners were  to  be  appointed  to  determine  what  amount  of 
money,  if  any,  should  be  paid  to  the  British  government  for 
these  privileges  accorded  to  the  American  fishermen. 

Thus  again  was  temporary  quiet  secured,  and  the  fishermen 
pursued  their  perilous  calling  unmolested  by  adverse  legisla- 
tion until  the  season  of  1886.  The  commission  which  sat  at 
Halifax  to  determine  the  amount  due  the  British  govern- 
ment for  the  privilege  of  fishing  in  the  waters  of  their  Ameri- 
can dominion,  awarded  $5,500,000  as  the  sum  to  be  paid  by  the 
United  States.    Although  the  amount  was  deemed  exorbitant 


THE  BERING  SEA  AND  FISHERIES  QUESTIONS.  167 

by  the  people  of  this  country  it  was  paid  ;  but  under  the  in- 
structions of  Congress  the  American  minister  at  London 
informed  the  British  government  on  Monday,  July  2,  1883, 
that  the  fishery  articles  of  the  treaty  of  1871  would  terminate 
in  two  years. 

The  termination  of  the  treaty  taking  place  in  the  midst  of 
the  fishing  season,  it  was  agreed  between  Mr.  Bayard,  then 
secretary  of  state,  and  Sir  Lionel  West,  the  British  minister  at 
Washington,  that  its  privileges  should  be  enjoyed  throughout 
the  season  of  1885.  It  was  declared  in  the  notice  issued  by 
Mr.  Bayard,  however,  that  this  temporary  postponement  in  no 
way  affected  the  principles  involved  in  the  case  and  did  not 
allow  the  exemption  of  fish  and  fish  oil  from  customs  duties. 

The  President  in  his  annual  message  recommended  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  joint  commission  to  consider  and  settle  upon  a 
just,  equitable,  and  honorable  basis  the  entire  question  of  the 
fishing  rights  of  the  citizens  of  the  two  governments,  and  Mr. 
Phelps,  the  American  minister  in  London,  presented  his  views 
to  the  British  authorities  in  order  to  suggest  a  basis  for 
negotiations.  But  the  proposition  of  the  President  was  not 
favorably  acted  upon. 

When  the  season  of  1886  opened,  the  New  England  fisher- 
men followed  the  fish  northward,  as  usual,  and  when  they 
reached  the  Canadian  coasts,  there  was  a  repetition  of  the  pre- 
vious troubles  with  the  local  authorities.  These  cases  beginning 
with  that  of  the  David  J.  Adams  in  May,  1886,  were  brought 
to  the  attention  of  the  British  government  by  Mr.  Phelps 
under  the  instruction  of  the  secretary  of  state,  and  earnest 
remonstrance  was  made.  But  the  seizures  continued,  and 
on  March  3,  1887,  Congress  passed  an  act  authorizing  the 
President  to  retaliate  by  denying  Canadian  vessels  access  to 
the  ports  of  the  United  States,  and  prohibiting  the  importa- 
tion of  their  fish.     This  brought  the  matter  to  a  crisis,  and 


168  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

with  a  view  to  reaching  an  amicable  settlement,  a  commission 
was  appointed,  consisting  of  Secretary  Bayard,  Judge  Putnam 
of  Maine,  and  President  Angell  of  Michigan  University,  to 
meet  Sir  Lionel  Sackville-West,  Joseph  Chamberlain,  and 
Sir  Charles  Tupper  representing  Great  Britain.  They  con- 
cluded a  treaty  in  February,  1888,  which  was  submitted  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  for  ratification,  but  rejected  by 
that  body.  At  the  time  the  treaty  was  agreed  to,  the  British 
commissioners  presented  what  is  known  in  diplomatic  lan- 
guage as  a  "modus  vivendi," — that  is,  a  temporary  agreement 
to  be  in  force  until  a  definite  and  final  arrangement  could 
be  concluded.  By  this  modus  tTie  fishermen  of  the  United 
States  were  allowed  to  take  out  licenses  from  the  customs 
authorities  of  Canada,  which  would  secure  them  from  molesta- 
tion. 

Upon  the  rejection  of  this  treaty  by  the  Senate  the  Presi- 
dent sent  a  message  to  Congress  in  which,  after  stating  the 
history  of  the  negotiations  and  the  fact  of  the  rejection  of  the 
measure  proposed  by  mutual  treaty  concessions,  he  suggested 
that  it  would  be  necessary  for  the  legislative  power  to  provide 
some  means  to  protect  our  fishermen  from  further  molesta- 
tion ;  but  up  to  this  writing  no  final  action  has  been  taken. 
Tlie  Bering  Sea  Dispute. 

Closely  connected  with  the  attempts  of  the  government  to 
secure  the  rights  of  the  New  England  fishermen  on  the 
Atlantic  coast,  has  been  the  protection  of  the  seal  fisheries  on 
the  coast  of  Alaska  and  the  Aleutian  Archipelago  of  the 
North  Pacific  Ocean.  In  1823  Alexander  I.  of  Russia  issued  a 
ukase,  prohibiting  foreign  vessels,  under  the  penalty  of  con- 
fiscation, from  engaging  in  commerce,  fishing,  or  sealing,  or 
even  sailing  within  one  hundred  miles  of  the  coasts  of  Russian 
possessions  in  America.  Mr.  Adams,  who  was  United  States 
minister  at  St.  Petersburg,  protested,  as  did  the  representatives 


MAP  OF  ALASKA, 


Showing  by  the  dotted  lines  the  jurisdiction  claimed  by  Russia  and  trans- 
ferred, as  our  government  asserts,  to  the  United  States,  together  with 
the  territory  of  Alaska.  Under  this  claim  the  part  of  the  sea  frequented 
by  seals  is  not  an  "open  sea,"  and  cannot  be  entered  without  the  per- 
mission of  the  United  States. 


170  Till:    I'.MTKD  STATES  AND    FOREIGN   POWERS. 

of  other  nations,  but  the  question  did  not  assume  any  great 
degree  of  importance  until  the  purchase  of  Alaska  by  the 
United  States  in  1S67. 

Soon  after  the  transfer  of  the  territory,  Mr.  Hayward  Hutch- 
inson of  California,  who  had  gone  to  Alaska  with  General 
Rousseau,  the  commissioner  of  the  United  States  appointed  to 
receive  the  property,  made  an  arrangement  with  Prince 
Matsukoff,  who  had  been  governor  of  Alaska  and  was  still  in 
control  of  the  Russian  Fur  Company,  for  the  purchase  of 
the  property  and  the  rights  of  that  corporation.  On  his  return 
to  San  Francisco,  Mr.  Hutchinson  organized  what  was  known 
as  the  Alaska  Commercial  Company,  to  which,  on  the  3d  of 
August,  1870,  were  leased  the  Pribylofr*  group  of  islands,  Saint 
Paul  and  Saint  George,  upon  which  the  fur  seals  assemble  in 
great  multitudes  during  the  breeding  season.  The  lease  was 
for  twenty  years  and  gave  the  company  the  exclusive  right  to 
take  fur  seals  on  those  islands  or  to  send  vessels  there.  The 
number  to  be  taken  annually  was  limited  to  one  hundred 
thousand,  and  the  company  agreed  to  pay  the  United  States 
government  a  yearly  rental  of  $55,000,  $2.62  for  every  seal  skin 
taken,  and  55  cents  per  gallon  for  all  seal  oil  sold. 

To  preserve  the  animals  from  extinction,  it  was  made  un- 
lawful to  kill  them,  except  on  the  islands  and  in  the  adjacent 
waters ;  and  there  only  from  June  1  to  October  31.  The 
killing  of  female  seals  or  males  less  than  one  year  old  was 
entirely  prohibited. 

Under  this  law  and  the  other  regulations  seal  fishing  was 
confined  almost  entirely  to  the  Commercial  Company,  who 
derived  an  immense  profit  from  their  privileges,  No  attempt 
to  dispute  their  exclusive  right  to  the  fisheries  seems  to  have 
been  made  until  the  season  of  1886,  when  three  Canadian 
schooners  which  were  in  pursuit  of  seals  in  Bering  Sea  were 
captured  by  the  United  States  revenue  cutter  Corwin,  and 


THE   BERING  SEA   AND   FISHERIES   QUESTIONS.  171 

brought  before  the  district  court  at  Sitka,  where  their  masters 
were  fined  and  the  vessels  confiscated. 

The  orders  under  which  the  Corwin  made  the  arrests  were 
issued  by  the  Treasury  Department  in  pursuance  of  a  section 
of  the  Revised  Statutes,  which  provides :  "  that  any  person 
killing  seals,  etc.,  within  the  limits  of  Alaska  Territory  or 
in  the  waters  thereof"  shall  be  fined  and  imprisoned,  and 
all  vessels  engaged  in  the  violation  of  the  law  forfeited. 

The  British  government  protested  against  the  capture  and 
confiscation  of  these  schooners,  which  were  taken  at  sea,  out  of 
sight  of  land,  while  pursuing  what  they  claimed  to  be  a  peace- 
ful and  lawful  occupation.  It  denied  that  the  United  States 
had  authority  in  the  waters  of  the  Bering  Sea  beyond  the 
ordinary  limit  (three  miles)  of  jurisdiction  allowed  under 
maritime  international  law,  and  the  claim  that  vessels  could 
be  arrested  seventy  miles  from  land  on  the  charge  that 
they  were  violating  the  laws  of  the  United  States  within 
the  waters  of  Alaska  Territory,  was  resisted  as  being  an  un- 
warranted assumption  of  authority. 

By  order  of  the  President  the  proceedings  against  these 
vessels  were  discontinued,  and  they  were  restored  to  their 
owners.  But  the  secretary  of  state  at  once  commenced  ne- 
gotiations with  Great  Britain  and  other  maritime  powers  to 
secure  the  adoption  of  general  and  uniform  regulations  to 
govern  the  seal  fisheries,  and  to  prevent  the  total  destruc- 
tion of  those  valuable  animals,  which  have  contributed  so 
much  to  the  wealth  of  this  country  and  to  the  comfort  of 
mankind. 

The  seals  require  both  land  and  water  for  their  existence, 
and  during  the  breeding  season  are  in  the  habit  of  leaving  the 
coast  of  Alaska  for  the  Pribyloff  Islands,  where  in  seclusion 
they  produce  and  rear  their  young.  In  making  the  passage 
they  must  cross  the  Bering  Sea  more  than  three  miles  from 


172  i  in:   tJNTTEi)  STATES  AND   FOREIGN    POWERS. 

the  coast,  a  distance  which  is  accepted  hy  international  law  as 
the  limit  of  national  jurisdiction.  For  several  years  it  has 
been  the  practice  of  Canadian  vessels  to  intercept  seals  in 
the  open  sea,  and  shoot  them  in  the  water.  Many  are  lost, 
and  the  skins  of  none  are  so  good  as  when  taken  at  other 
seasons  of  the  year.  This  reckless  and  indiscriminate  mode  of 
killing  male  and  female  alike  has  greatly  reduced  their 
numbers,  and  if  long  continued  will  result  in  their  complete 
extermination.  The  purpose  of  the  United  States,  therefore, 
was  to  prevent  that  barbarous  destruction  by  foreigners  as  well 
as  by  Americans  which  is  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  Congress. 

It  was  proposed  that  Great  Britain,  Russia,  and  the 
United  States  should  unite  in  regulations  forbidding  the  kill- 
ing of  female  and  young  seals  at  any  time,  and  limiting 
the  period  during  which  full-grown  male  seals  might  be  taken 
to  the  season  when  their  skins  are  in  the  best  marketable  con- 
dition. Both  the  emperor  of  Russia  and  the  British  govern- 
ment very  promptly  consented  to  accept  the  terms  of  the 
agreement,  admitting  that  such  regulations  would  be  of  great 
benefit.  A  formal  draft  of  a  treaty  embodying  these  pro- 
visions was  prepared  at  Washington  and  submitted  to  both 
governments  for  their  ratification,  but,  in  the  meantime,  the 
Canadian  authorities,  having  no  interest  in  the  preservation  of 
the  seal,  protested  against  the  action  of  the  cabinet  at  London 
and  succeeded  in  persuading  Lord  Salisbury  to  withdraw  from 
the  agreement. 

Thereupon  the  British  government  began  to  oppose  the 
proposition  with  as  much  earnestness  as  it  had  originally 
advocated  it ;  and  held  that  the  United  States  had  no  right  to 
forbid  or  attempt  to  regulate  the  killing  of  seals  when  they 
were  taken  in  the  open  sea  more  than  three  miles  from 
land. 

This  government,  in  its  correspondence  with  Great  Britain 


THE  BERING  SEA  AND  FISHERIES  QUESTIONS.  173 

on  the  subject,  held  that  the  place  where  the  seals  were 
taken  by  the  Canadian  vessels  was  not  the  open  sea,  but  a  part 
of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  bounded  upon  the  east 
and  north  by  Alaska,  on  the  south  by  the  Aleutian  Islands, 
and  on  the  north  and  west  by  the  Russian  possessions  in  Asia  ; 
that  jurisdiction  over  these  waters  was  conceded  to  Russia 
by  Great  Britain  by  treaty  in  1824,  and  that  such  jurisdic- 
tion was  conveyed  to  the  United  States  when  the  latter 
purchased  from  Russia  the  territory  which  surrounds  it.  The 
United  States  also  took  the  broad  ground  that  the  wanton 
destruction  of  useful  animals  even  in  neutral  waters  was 
unlawful  because  it  was  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature 
and  of  humanity,  and  an  injury  to  the  rights  and  the  welfare 
of  the  public.  While  the  fish  and  animals  that  live  in  the  sea 
are  common  property,  of  which  all  people  are  entitled  to 
their  just  share,  no  nation  could  be  conceded  the  privilege 
of  destroying  them  and  thus  preventing  others  from  partici- 
pating in  the  benefits.  This  is  the  unwritten  law  of  civili- 
zation, which  recognizes  the  common  rights  of  all,  but 
requires  that  they  should  be  exercised  with  injury  to  none. 
At  the  same  time  our  secretary  maintained  that  the  colony 
of  seals  which  make  their  permanent  home  within  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  are  the  property  of  the  United 
States,  and  do  not  lose  their  character  as  such  when  passing 
from  one  part  of  that  territory  to  another,  even  across  a  neutral 
sea ;  particularly  as  such  passing  was  a  regular  and  periodical 
migration  in  obedience  to  the  laws  of  nature,  and  a  necessary 
feature  of  seal  life. 

The  correspondence  upon  this  subject  was  continued  at  great 
length  and  with  considerable  bitterness  until  February,  1892, 
when  it  was  agreed  between  the  two  nations  to  submit  the 
questions  at  issue  to  arbitration  by  a  tribunal  consisting  of 
seven  persons :    two  to  be  named  by  the  President  of  the 


1,1  THE   UNITED  BTATES   A.ND    FOBEIGN    POWERS. 

United  States,  two  by  her  Britannic  majesty,  one  each  by  the 
president  of  the  French  Republic,  the  king  of  Italy,  and  the 
king  of  Norway  and  Sweden, 

Scarcely  was  this  treaty  submitted  to  the  respective  govern- 
ments for  ratification  when  another  and  equally  serious 
difficulty  arose  by  reason  of  the  refusal  of  Great  Britain  to 
consent  to  a  suspension  of  seal  fishing  by  Canadian  vessels 
while  the  main  question  was  under  arbitration.  Lord  Salis- 
bury suggested  and  insisted  that  the  destruction  of  the  seals 
should  continue  until  a  decision  was  reached,  and  then  if 
the  claims  of  the  United  States  were  sustained  Great  Britain 
would  pay  in  cash  the  value  of  the  seals  taken  in  the  mean- 
time. If  the  claims  of  England  were  sustained  there  would 
be  nothing  to  pay.  But  our  government  declined  to  concede 
this  for  the  reason  that  the  chief  object  of  the  United  States 
was  to  prevent  the  extermination  of  the  seals,  and  that 
their  destruction  by  Canadian  fishermen  was  so  rapid  that 
if  it  was  allowed  to  continue  until  after  the  arbitration  was 
completed  there  would  be  nothing  left  to  arbitrate.  The 
President  gave  notice  at  the  same  time  that  the  United 
States  would  protect  the  seals  by  force,  and  w'arned  all 
vessels  from  entering  the  Bering  Sea  for  the  purpose  of  kill- 
ing them.  England  finally  consented  to  a  "modus  Vivendi," 
or  temporary  agreement,  until  the  arbitration  was  concluded, 
and  vessels  from  the  United  States  Navy  were  sent  to  the  fish- 
ing waters  to  see  that  the  agreement  was  respected. 

The  Geneva  Tribunal. 

During  the  progress  of  the  Civil  War  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  received  almost  incalculable  damage  from  Con- 
federate cruisers,  many  of  which  had  been  built,  manned,  or 
furnished  with  supplies  and  equipments  in  the  ports  of  the 
British  colonies  or  in  Great  Britain.  It  was  also  claimed  that 
England's  course  in  so  quickly  recognizing  the  belligerent 


THE  BERING  SEA  AND   FISHERIES  QUESTIONS.  175 

rights  of  the  Confederacy  was  an  act  unfriendly  to  the  United 
States. 

The  losses  which  the  government  sustained  from  this  cause 
together  with  those  which  individuals  had  met  with  from  the 
ravages  of  the  privateers,  were  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
British  government  by  Mr.  Seward  soon  after  the  war,  and 
a  demand  was  made  for  compensation.  An  arbitration  to 
ascertain  tbe  amount  due  being  proposed,  Great  Britain 
declined  either  to  acknowledge  the  responsibility  or  to  offer 
compensation  for  the  losses  sustained  or  to  refer  the  question 
to  arbitration. 

During  the  first  administration  of  General  Grant,  when  the 
British  minister  proposed  a  commission  to  consider  the  ques- 
tions arising  out  of  the  fisheries  and  other  matters  over  which 
there  was  a  serious  conflict  of  views,  the  proposal  was  accepted 
by  Mr.  Fish  with  the  proviso  tbat  the  commission  also  take  up 
the  question  of  the  Alabama  claims.  Accordingly  there  met 
in  Washington  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1871,  a  joint  high 
commission  composed  of  twelve  members,  the  "United  States 
representatives,  being  Hamilton  Fish,  secretary  of  state, 
Robert  C.  Schenck,  minister  to  Great  Britain,  Justice  Samuel 
Nelson  of  the  Supreme  Court,  E.  B.  Hoar  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Geo.  H.  Williams  of  Oregon.  Tbe  plenipo- 
tentiaries of  her  majesty  were  the  Earl  of  Grey  and  Ripon, 
Sir  Stafford  Northcote,  Sir  Edward  Thornton,  Sir  John 
Macdonald  of  Canada,  and  Montague  Bernard,  professor  of 
international  law  at  Oxford.  The  first  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners was  held  February  27,  and  on  the  8th  of  May  was 
signed  the  treaty  known  as  the  "  treaty  of  Washington." 

It  consisted  of  forty-three  articles,  of  which  the  first  eleven 
related  to  the  claims  growing  out  of  depredations  by  the  Con- 
federate cruisers  and  the  alleged  violations  of  neutrality  by 
Great  Britain.     The  Alabama  claims  were  referred  to  a  tribunal 


176  THE    UNITED  STATES  AND   FOBEIGN   POWEES. 

of  arliitration  which  sat  in  Geneva,  Switzerland,  and  was  com- 
posed of  five  members,  one  named  by  the  President,  Charles 
Francis  Adams  ;  one  by  the  queen,  Chief  Justice  Cockburn  ; 
one  by  the  king  of  Italy,  Count  Sclopis  ;  one  by  the  president 
of  the  Swiss  Confederation,  M.  James  Stampli  ;  and  one  by 
the  emperor  of  Brazil,  Viscount  d'  Itajuba. 

The  cruiser  Alabama,  whose  depredations  gave  a  name  to 
these  claims,  was  built  on  the  Mersey  in  1SG2,  and  left  for 
the  Azores  under  the  British  flag  entirely  unarmed  and 
without  any  indication  of  a  warlike  purpose.  She  was  met  at 
sea,  off  Terceira,  by  two  vessels,  the  Agrippina  and  Bahama, 
bringing  all  the  necessary  equipments,  a  complete  armament, 
provisions,  uniforms,  coal,  and  her  captain,  Semmes,  together 
with  her  other  officers.  As  soon  as  the  transhipment  was 
completed  the  Confederate  colors  were  displayed  at  the 
Alabama's  masthead,  and  her  career  of  devastation  upon  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  ended  only  near  the  close  of 
the  war  with  her  destruction  by  the  Kearsarge. 

The  claims  presented  by  the  United  Status  before  the 
tribunal  were  for  recompense  for :  First,  direct  losses  grow- 
ing out  of  the  destruction  of  vessels  and  cargoes  by  Con- 
federate cruisers,  equipped  in  Great  Britain  ;  second,  the 
expense  occasioned  by  the  pursuit  of  such  cruisers  by  naval 
vessels  of  the  United  States  ;  third,  the  losses  sustained  by  the 
transfer  of  the  American  commercial  marine  to  tbe  British 
flag  ;  fourth,  the  enhanced  premiums  for  insurance  ;  fifth,  the 
prolongation  of  the  war,  and  the  addition  of  a  large  sum  to  its 
cost. 

The  tribunal  held  that  the  last  three  classes  of  claims  should 
be  excluded  from  consideration  ;  that  the  second  class  was  not 
properly  distinguishable  from  the  general  expenses  of  the  war 
and  no  sum  could  be  awarded  under  that  head.  Under  the 
first  class  there  was  awarded  for  depredations  committed  by 


THE  BERING  SEA  AND  FISHERIES  QUESTIONS.  177 

the  Alabama,  the  Florida,  and  the  Shenandoah  and  by  their 
tenders,  the  sum  of  $15,500,000,  which  was  paid  to  the 
United  States  by  Great  Britain  and  distributed  by  a  court 
of  adjudication,  which  sat  from  July  22,  1874,  until  Decem- 
ber 29,  1S76,  and  paid  to  claimants  the  sum  of  §9,316,120.25. 

As  there  remained  in  the  treasury  a  balance  which  had  been 
increased  to  $10,089,001.96,  by  reason  of  accumulation  of  inter- 
est and  premiums  on  the  sale  of  certain  bonds,  Congress  passed 
the  act  of  June  5,  1882,  re-establishing  the  court  for  the  pur- 
pose of  distributing  this  balance  among  those  who,  during  the 
rebellion,  had  sustained  losses  resulting  from  damage  done  by 
Confederate  cruisers  on  the  high  seas.  These  losses  included 
vessels  and  cargoes  attacked  within  four  miles  of  the  shore 
on  the  high  seas,  and  also  premiums  for  war  risks  whether 
paid  to  corporations,  agents,  or  individuals,  after  the  sailing  of 
any  cruiser.  This  court  decided  4,643  claims  favorably,  and 
ended  its  labors  December  31,  1885. 

After  a  protracted  diplomatic  correspondence,  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  agreed  to  submit  for  the  determination 
of  a  Joint  High  Commission  all  of  the  several  questions  in 
dispute  between  the  latter  country  and  Canada.  The  Com- 
mission met  at  Quebec  in  August,  1898,  and  later  in  Washing- 
ton, and  in  the  March  following,  being  unable  to  reach  an 
agreement  upon  the  Alaska  boundary  and  a  reciprocity  treaty, 
adjourned  to  meet  in  Quebec  in  August,  1899. 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS   WITH   FRANCE   AND   THE   PURCHASE 

OF    LOUISIANA. 

The  history  of  the  early  diplomatic  relations  between 
France  and  the  United  States  reads  like  a  romance.  Mys- 
terious men  and  anonymous  women  passed  in  and  out  of  the 
negotiations ;  mercantile  houses  were  established  under  ficti- 
tious names  to  conceal  purchases  of  arms  and  loans  of  money 
for  the  American  patriots  ;  official  representatives  were  known 
by  the  letters  "X,"  "  Y,"  "  Z,"  and  other  cabalistic  signs,  and 
intrigue  followed  intrigue  at  the  corrupt  and  frivolous  court,  as 
in  the  novels  of  Dumas  or  Victor  Hugo.  But  above  all  this 
conspiracy  and  mystery  rises  the  serene  and  benevolent  char- 
acter of  Benjamin  Franklin,  whose  honesty  of  purpose  could 
not  be  diverted,  and  whose  profound  patriotism  could  not 
be  contaminated  by  any  aid  or  obstacle  with  which  they 
were  associated.  Following  him  as  minister  to  France  came 
Thomas  Jefferson,  a  man  of  even  simpler  tastes,  for  whom  the 
frivolities  of  court  life  had  no  fascinations,  but  whose  affection 
and  gratitude  toward  France,  first  inspired  by  her  generous 
sympathy  for  the  struggling  colonies  and  the  young  republic, 
and  strengthened  by  a  long  residence  in  Paris,  could  not  be 
impaired  by  the  fickleness  of  the  people  or  the  cruelties  that 
stained  their  political  history. 

These  two  men,  pre-eminent  and  peculiar,  full  of  zeal  and 

178 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   FRANCE.  179 

patriotism,  framed  the  fraternal  relations  that  existed  between 
France  and  the  United  States  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution 
and  the  first  years  of  the  republic,  and,  when  Jefferson  was 
recalled  from  Paris  to  take  a  place  in  the  cabinet  of  Washing- 
ton, there  were  no  two  nations  in  the  universe  whose  friend- 
ship was  more  cordial  or  whose  sympathy  was  more  sincere. 

Relying  upon  the  aid  she  had  furnished  the  colonies  in  their 
struggle  for  independence,  France  made,  during  the  last  ten 
years  of  the  eighteenth  century,  demands  of  the  most  extrava- 
gant character  upon  the  young  republic  for  support  against  the 
allied  nations  of  Europe.  Had  these  requirements  been  com- 
plied with,  the  United  States,  even  though  sustained  as  they 
were  by  public  sentiment  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  would  have 
been  embroiled  in  a  ruinous  war  with  all  the  rest  of  Europe. 

The  complications  arising  from  America's  refusal  to  comply 
with  the  demands  of  France  were  made  more  serious  by  the 
imprudent  conduct  of  M.  Genet,  who  was  commissioned  by 
the  French  Directory  as  minister  to  the  United  States.  He 
arrived  at  Charleston  in  April,  1793,  and  was  received  with 
great  enthusiasm  as  the  representative  of  a  people  who  had 
given  us  aid  and  encouragement  during  the  Revolution,  and  the 
envoy  of  a  republic  whose  establishment  the  success  of  popular 
government  in  America  had  made  possible.  But  the  French 
minister,  in  defiance  of  Washington's  proclamation  of  neu- 
trality, made  every  effort  to  incite  Americans  to  take  the  side 
of  France,  issuing  military  commissions  to  officers  and  men 
and  granting  licenses  to  privateers.  His  conduct  was  so  out- 
rageous that  our  government  was  compelled  to  ask  for  his 
recall. 

The  United  States  were  powerless  to  aid  France,  and  still 
more  impotent  to  defend  themselves  against  the  combined 
forces  of  Europe,  a  resistance  which  would  have  been  necessary 
had  the  terms  of  the  treaty  been  fulfilled.    There  was  no 


180  THE    ENITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN    POWERS. 

military  force,  no  navy,  no  money,  no  credit,  and,  had  a  loan 
been  attempted,  the  only  source  of  financial  assistance  was 
Holland,  already  actively  engaged  in  hostilities  with  France. 
The  country  was  just  beginning  to  recover  from  the  effects 
of  the  Revolution,  and  the  revenues  of  the  government,  even 
with  the  greatest  economy,  were  barely  sufficient  to  sustain  its 
ordinary  expenses.  The  deliberations  of  the  administration  on 
this  subject  were  long  and  earnest,  and,  although  public  senti- 
ment was  strongly  in  favor  of  active  co-operation  with 
France,  President  Washington  issued  a  proclamation  an- 
nouncing the  policy  of  the  United  States  to  be  that  of  strict 
neutrality  and  warning  American  citizens  against  any  direct 
or  indirect  participation  in  the  European  war. 

The  demand  for  the  recall  of  M.  Genet,  the  French  minister, 
was  complied  with  but  it  was  coupled  with  a  condition  that 
Gouverneur  Morris,  the  American  minister  in  Paris,  should  be 
replaced  on  the  ground  that  by  his  protection  of  the  adherents 
of  the  late  king  he  hud  made  himself  odious  to  the  republic. 
Washington  consented  to  recall  Morris,  and  appointed  as  his 
successor,  James  Monroe,  although  the  latter  was  an  active 
opponent  of  the  administration  and  sympathized  with  France. 
Monroe  received  carefully  drawn  instructions  setting  forth 
at  length  the  policy  of  the  government  toward  the  French 
republic,  which  was  defined  to  be  that  of  sincere  friendship, 
although  it  was  deemed  inexpedient  to  comply  with  its  de- 
mands. 

The  negotiation  by  Mr.  Jay  of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce with  England  at  this  time  created  great  indignation  in 
France,  and  our  minister  was  informed  that  the  government  of 
that  republic  intended  to  break  off  all  relations  with  the  United 
States,  but  by  his  skillful  diplomacy  and  well-known  friend- 
ship for  the  French  people  Mr.  Monroe  was  able  to  avert  such 
a  crisis.    When,  a  little  later,  Mr.  Monroe  was  recalled,  the 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS   WITH   FRANCE.  181 

French  republic  refused  to  receive  his  successor,  Mr.  Pinckney, 
on  the  ground  that  our  government  had  insulted  France  by 
making  a  friendly  treaty  with  her  enemy,  England. 

In  1797,  when  John  Adams  became  President,  he  appointed  a 
commission,  consisting  of  three  gentlemen  of  the  greatest  dis- 
tinction, John  Marshall,  Elbridge  Gerry,  and  C.  C.  Pinckney, 
to  make  an  effort  to  effect  a  reconciliation  with  France,  and 
re-establish  commercial  intercourse  with  that  country.  These 
emissaries,  although  not  received  officially  by  the  French 
Directory,  engaged  for  six  months  in  a  series  of  remarkable 
negotiations  with  Talleyrand,  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs. 
The  government  of  the  Directory  was  notoriously  corrupt. 
The  Americans  were  treated  as  suppliants  for  favor  and  were 
asked  not  only  to  promise  a  large  loan  to  France  but  to  make 
a  generous  personal  gift  to  the  directors.  These  proposals 
were  made  through  mysterious  persons  designated  in  the 
French  correspondence  as  "X,"  "  Y,"  and  "Z,"  and  "a  lady." 
The  commissioners  of  the  United  States  refused  the  demands 
of  Talleyrand,  and  finally,  after  exhausting  every  honorable 
means  for  an  amicable  arrangement,  withdrew  to  the  Nether- 
lands. 

In  the  United  States  the  conduct  of  M.  Adet,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Genet  as  minister,  was  quite  as  extraordinary  as  the 
latter's  had  been.  He  indulged  in  frequent  tirades  against  the 
government  and  Washington  for  their  ingratitude  to  France. 
Like  his  predecessor  he  endeavored  in  various  ways  to  stir  up 
a  rebellion  among  the  French  sympathizers  in  the  United 
States,  and  used  every  possible  means  to  defeat  the  ratification 
of  the  treaty  Mr.  Jay  had  made  with  Great  Britain,  but 
Washington  treated  him  with  the  greatest  forbearance.  He 
returned  to  France  in  1796,  and  there  was  no  French  minister 
in  the  United  States  until  after  the  treaty  of  1800. 
The  conduct  of  the  French  minister,  and  the  discourteous 


lM2  THE    IMTKIi  STATES  AND  FOREIGN    POWERS. 

treatment  which  the  commissioners  from  the  United  States 
received  in  Paris,  together  with  the  frequent  attacks  made  by 
French  privateers  upon  American  shipping,  awakened  a 
resentment  in  this  country  which  was  quite  as  vigorous  and 
determined  as  the  sympathy  for  that  republic  had  formerly 
been.  Congress  passed  several  laws  in  retaliation  ;  all  treaties 
with  France  were  declared  abrogated  ;  and  active  preparations 
for  war  were  begun.  Washington  was  appointed  Lieutenant 
General  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Armies,  and  Hamil- 
ton second  in  command.  A  Navy  Department  was  organized  ; 
money  was  voted  to  purchase  and  equip  vessels  of  war  and  to 
construct  fortifications  in  the  several  harbors  along  the  Atlantic 
coast ;  and  the  enlistment  of  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men 
was  ordered.  In  fact,  so  serious  was  the  situation  that  the 
courts  were  afterwards  called  upon  to  decide  whether  there 
was  actual  war  between  the  two  countries  in  1799  or  not.  The 
effect  of  the  judicial  decision  was  that  although  several  en- 
gagements actually  took  place  between  armed  vessels  belong- 
ing to  the  respective  countries,  hostilities  were  never  formally 
declared  on  either  side,  and  that  no  war  existed. 

At  this  time  a  curious  incident  occurred,  which  created  great 
excitement.  After  the  return  of  the  commissioners  from 
France,  with  tales  of  their  extraordinary  experience,  a  benevo- 
lent Quaker  of  Philadelphia  by  the  name  of  George  Logan, 
without  the  authority  or  the  knowledge  of  the  government, 
but  upon  his  own  responsibility,  and  solely  because  of  his 
philanthropic  desire  to  prevent  a  war  between  the  two 
young  republics,  proceeded  to  Paris,  and  undertook  negotia- 
tions with  Talleyrand  with  a  view  to  the  restoration  of  cor- 
dial relations.  The  only  papers  he  carried  with  him  were 
a  certificate  of  citizenship  in  the  United  States  and  an  open 
letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson  testifying  to  his  good  character  ;  but 
Mr.  Logan  succeeded  in  obtaining  repeated  interviews  with 


DIPLOMATIC  BELATIONS  WITH  FRANCE.  183 

the  members  of  the  French  Directory,  explaining  to  them  the 
condition  of  affairs  and  the  public  sentiment  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  determination  of  the  ruling  faction  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  punish  the  insults  of  France  by  war.  Nor  is  it 
unlikely  that  his  representations  had  a  profound  effect,  be- 
cause the  French  authorities  were  laboring  under  the  delusion 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  still  retained  their 
patriotic  gratitude  and  sympathy  toward  France,  and  would 
not  sustain  the  Executive  in  any  hostile  demonstrations.  It 
was  something  more  than  a  coincidence  that  the  temper  of  the 
French  Directory  was  considerably  modified  thereafter ;  but 
the  sentimental  interference  of  the  Quaker  was  not  grateful  to 
the  officials  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  when  the  facts 
became  known  to  Congress,  an  act,  known  as  "the  Logan 
law"  was  passed,  punishing  with  $5,000  fine  and  three  years' 
imprisonment  any  citizen  who  "  should  carry  on  any  verbal  or 
written  correspondence  with  any  foreign  government,  or 
any  officer  or  agent  thereof,  with  interest  to  influence  the 
measures  or  conduct  of  such  government,  or  any  officer  or 
agent  thereof,  in  relation  to  any  disputes  or  controversies  with 
the  United  States." 

But  notwithstanding  the  official  criticism  of  his  conduct, 
and  the  prohibition  of  such  interference  in  the  future,  Mr. 
Logan's  endeavors  to  promote  peace  were  warmly  commended 
by  the  public,  and  true  to  the  professions  of  his  faith  he  made 
a  similar  but  futile  attempt  eleven  years  later  in  1810  to 
prevent  war  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 

A  change  had  occurred  in  the  composition  of  the  French 
Directory,  which,  with  other  circumstances  that  have  been 
suggested,  had  a  softening  effect  upon  the  relations  between 
the  two  countries.  Mr.  Murray,  our  minister  to  Holland,  was 
approached  by  the  representative  of  France  at  The  Hague  with 
an  assurance    that    his  government  had  no  desire  for  war 


184  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN    POWERS. 

with  the  United  States,  and  profoundly  regretted  that  any- 
thing had  occurred  to  disturb  the  friendship  that  had  always 
existed.  He  intimated  that  Talleyrand  would  be  glad  to 
confer  with  Mr.  Murray  if  the  latter  could  find  it  convenient 
to  visit  Paris. 

About  the  time  Mr.  Murray's  report  of  this  incident  reached 
Philadelphia  Mr.  Gerry  received  letters  from  Talleyrand 
expressing  a  desire  for  peace  and  promising  that  the  French 
Directory  would  respond  promptly  to  any  overtures  for  the 
restoration  of  intercourse  that  might  be  made  by  the  United 
States.  He  repudiated  the  demand  for  a  loan,  and  insisted 
that  the  suggestion  that  personal  gifts  must  be  made  to  the 
Directory  was  unauthorized.  He  declared  the  willingness  of 
the  French  republic  to  enter  into  a  commercial  treaty  with  the 
United  States,  and  to  concede  all  that  this  government  had 
asked  for.  Mr.  Gerry  also  received  a  copy  of  an  order  that  had 
been  issued  to  the  commander  of  the  French  fleet  in  the  West 
Indies  to  prevent  all  interference  with  American  commerce ; 
and  a  curious  statement  to  show  that  the  French  Directory 
had  treated  nearly  every  other  nation  with  even  greater  in- 
solence than  had  been  shown  toward  the  United  States,  for, 
inflated  with  the  victories  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  it  had 
expelled  thirteen  foreign  ambassadors  from  Paris,  imprisoned 
one  in  the  common  jail,  and  another  in  the  chambers  in 
his  own  house.  In  comparison  Mr.  Gerry  thought  the  com- 
missioners from  the  United  States  had  been  treated  with 
considerable  hospitality. 

In  opposition  to  a  majority  of  his  cabinet,  and  in  violence  to 
the  sentiments  of  the  people,  which  from  the  warmest  sym- 
pathy had  changed  to  the  bitterest  hatred  for  France,  Mr. 
Adam:;  decided,  to  renew  relations  with  that  republic,  and 
on  the  17th  of  February,  1700,  nominated  as  plenipotentiary  to 
Paris  William  Vans  Murray,  who  had  been  minister  to  The 


DIPLOMATIC   RELATIONS  WITH   FRANCE.  185 

Hague  for  some  years.  There  was  earnest  opposition  even 
among  the  closest  adherents  of  President  Adams,  and  in  the 
Federalist  party  generally,  to  what  was  considered  a  humilia- 
ting surrender  to  the  insolence  of  the  French  government, 
which  ought  at  least  to  offer  an  apology  and  apply  more 
directly  for  a  restoration  of  intercourse. 

It  was  finally  agreed,  in  the  nature  of  a  compromise,  that  no 
regular  and  permanent  legation  should  be  established  at  Paris, 
but  that  the  dignity  of  this  government  would  not  be  im- 
paired if  a  temporary  commission  were  sent  there  to  receive 
whatever  assurances  and  concessions  the  Directory  might 
desire  to  make,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  for  commercial  inter- 
course, and  to  demand  reparation  for  damages  committed  by 
French  privateers.  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth  of  Connecticut 
and  Patrick  Henry  were  selected  to  co-operate  with  Mr. 
Murray,  but  Mr.  Henry  declined  on  account  of  his  advanced 
age  and  ill  health,  and  ex-Governor  Davie  was  appointed  in 
his  stead. 

The  commissioners,  only  after  official  assurance  that  they 
would  be  properly  received,  proceeded  to  Paris,  and  March  20, 
1800,  were  presented  to  Napoleon,  the  First  Consul,  who 
welcomed  them  cordially.  Their  instructions  required  them 
to  assume  that  all  previous  treaties  with  France  had  been  re- 
voked by  the  action  of  Congress  two  years  before,  and  were 
not  to  be  revived  ;  especially  the  treaty  of  alliance  made  in 
1778.  They  were  to  demand  a  recognition  of  the  right  of 
the  United  States  to  make  treaties  of  friendship  and  com- 
merce with  other  foreign  powers  even  though  these  might  at 
the  time  be  hostile  to  France ;  to  adhere  to  the  laws  of  neu- 
trality, and  to  forbid  the  admission  to  our  ports  of  privateers 
and  vessels  captured  by  them.  They  were  to  demand  indem- 
nity for  losses  sustained  by  American  commerce  from  French 
privateers,  and  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to  ascertain 


186  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

the  amount  of  damages.  There  was  to  be  no  guarantee  for  the 
protection  of  French  possessions  in  America,  as  was  provided 
for  by  the  treaty  of  1778 ;  no  financial  aid,  no  gifts  or  bribes, 
no  loans,  and  no  entangling  alliance,  and  the  treaty  was  to 
last  twelve  years. 

The  French  government  immediately  insisted  that  the  old 
treaties  were  still  in  force,  and  that  an  arrangement  having 
been  entered  into  by  two  governments  could  not  be  abro- 
gated by  one  without  due  notice  and  the  consent  of  the 
other  ;  that  if  the  United  States  had  done  this  it  was  a  viola- 
tion of  friendly  relations  between  the  two  governments  and 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war.  Therefore  no  indemnity 
could  be  claimed  for  damages  done  to  commerce  after  the 
abrogation  of  the  treaties  by  the  United  States,  as  the  two 
nations  were  technically  engaged  in  hostilities  and  had  the 
right  to  attack  the  shipping  of  each  other. 

The  American  commissioners  were  confronted  by  a  perplex- 
ing dilemma.  If  they  denied  the  existence  of  the  treaties 
they  could  claim  no  damages  ;  if  they  admitted  their  existence 
they  must  acknowledge  that  the  United  States  had  been  in 
the  wrong.  They  decided  to  accept  the  first  alternative,  admit 
that  the  treaties  had  been  revoked,  abandon  the  claim  for 
damages,  and  begin  anew  the  relations  between  the  two  gov- 
ernments. 

The  result  was  a  long  treaty  of  twenty-seven  articles,  which 
in  itself  contained  little  or  nothing  of  practical  utility,  but 
delivered  the  United  States  from  the  perils  of  war,  and  made 
it  possible  to  acquire  possession  of  Louisiana. 

The  war  between  Napoleon,  now  emperor  of  the  French, 
and  the  rest  of  Europe  brought  into  existence  a  series  of 
decrees*  and  orders  in  council  by  the  British  government, 

*  Consult  page  139. 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   FRANCE.  187 

which  had  the  effect  of  shutting  up  the  ports  of  Great  Britain 
to  American  vessels.  The  so-called  Berlin,  Milan,  and  Ram- 
bouillet  decrees  of  Napoleon  made  every  American  vessel 
bound  for  ports  in  Great  Britain  or  her  colonies  subject  to 
seizure  and  condemnation.  The  United  States  were  prac- 
tically the  only  neutral  power  on  the  seas,  and  upon 
American  vessels  fell  the  heavy  pressure  of  this  general  war. 
Diplomatic  representations  were  unavailing ;  the  seizures  in- 
creased until  the  United  States  as  a  measure  of  precaution 
sought  to  withdraw  her  commerce  from  the  ocean  by  a  general 
embargo.  This  was  a  great  sacrifice  and  the  results  were 
looked  for  with  grave  apprehension.  Any  hope  that  it  would 
produce  an  amelioration  in  the  decrees  of  the  belligerents  was 
doomed  to  disappointment. 

Instead  of  that,  by  the  Bayonne  decree,  under  the  pretext 
that  as  the  embargo  made  it  unlawful  for  any  American  ship 
to  be  abroad,  those  vessels  which  happened  to  be  in  the 
French  ports  claiming  to  be  American  as  well  as  any  which 
might  arrive  should  be  seized  as  British  property.  Still  later 
the  Rambouillet  decree  directed  that  all  vessels  which  entered 
any  French  port  after  March  20,  1809,  under  the  United  States 
flag,  should  be  seized  and  sold. 

Vigorous  but  unavailing  protests  were  made  by  General 
Armstrong,  the  American  minister  at  Paris,  and  matters 
continued  in  the  same  unsatisfactory  condition  until  upon 
notification  of  the  passage  of  the  act  of  May  1,  1810,  suspend- 
ing the  nonintercourse  act,  M.  de  Champagny,  the  French 
minister,  informed  Mr.  Armstrong  that  the  decrees  would 
cease  after  November  1,  1810,  adding  :  "  It  being  understood, 
that  in  consequence  of  this  declaration  the  English  shall  re- 
voke their  orders  in  council,  and  renounce  their  new  prin- 
ciples of  blockade,  which  they  have  wished  to  establish,  or 
that  the  United  States,  conformably  to  the  act  you  have  just 


188  THE    UNITED   STATUS   AM)    FOREIGN    POWERS. 

communicated,  shall  cause  their  rights  to  be  respected  by  Eng- 
land." This  communication  was  not  received  by  England 
as  evidence  of  the  repeal,  though  it  was  so  accepted  by  the 
United  States  and  on  the  2d  of  November  the  President  issued 
a  proclamation  restoring  intercourse  with  French  armed 
vessels.  Although  after  this  no  vessels  were  condemned 
under  the  decrees,  the  seizures  calling  forth  protests  from 
the  American  minister  still  occurred  under  various  pretexts. 

The  overthrow  of  Napoleon  and  the  restoration  of  the  Bour- 
bons were  followed  by  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  American 
ministers  to  secure  a  commercial  convention  which  would 
place  our  vessels  on  an  equality  with  the  French  in  the 
carrying  of  the  products  of  the  United  States  to  France.  Prop- 
ositions were  submitted  on  the  basis  of  the  convention  of 
1815  with  England,  but  the  French  government  having  im- 
posed an  extra  duty  on  cotton  brought  in  American  ships 
her  ministers  were  not  anxious  to  surrender  these  benefits. 
They  were  supported  in  this  course  by  commercial  bodies  of 
various  cities,  which  viewed  with  delight  the  rapidly  in- 
creasing tonnage  of  their  vessels  employed  in  the  transatlantic 
trade.  This  situation  was  very  exasperating  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  Whereupon  Congress  passed  a  law 
imposing  a  tonnage  tax  upon  French  vessels  which  deprived 
them  of  the  immense  advantages  and  profits  they  were  enjoj'- 
ing.  The  effect  of  this  action  was  to  cause  a  speedy  agreement 
providing  for  the  equal  interchange  of  products  in  the  ships  of 
both  countries,— an  arrangement  which  was  immediately  felt 
in  the  increase  of  American  tonnage  employed  in  the  French 
trade. 

An  obstacle  to  the  arrangement  of  the  difficulties  between 
the  two  countries  arose  from  the  interpretation  the  French 
ministry  insisted  upon  giving  to  the  eighth  article  of  the 
treaty  ceding  Louisiana.      This  provided  that  after  the  expira- 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   FRANCE.  189 

tion  of  twelve  years  the  ships  of  France  were  to  be  treated 
upon  the  same  footing  as  those  of  the  most  favored  nation.  A 
treaty  had  been  made  with  England  under  which  British 
vessels  were  admitted  into  American  ports,  and  American 
vessels  into  British  ports  on  equal  terms,  and  by  this  compact 
British  vessels  had  greater  advantages  than  those  of  the 
French.  The  United  States  government  contended  that  Eng- 
land had  given  us  a  valuable  consideration  for  this  privilege, 
which  France  could  enjoy  on  the  same  terms.  The  French 
minister  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  who  was  secretary  of  state, 
argued  the  case  at  great  length,  and  on  June  24,  1822,  signed  a 
treaty  which  fixed  a  discriminating  duty  of  twenty  francs 
(about  $3.85),  on  each  ton  of  merchandise  exported  from  the 
United  States  to  France  in  American  vessels,  and  a  dis- 
criminating duty  of  83.75  on  each  ton  of  merchandise  imported 
from  France  into  the  United  States  in  French  vessels.  This 
was  a  large  reduction  from  the  taxes  formerly  levied  by  the 
two  nations  on  the  commerce  of  each  other. 

In  1831  the  questions  of  claims  were  settled  by  the  consent 
of  France  to  give  twenty-five  millions  of  francs  to  those  whose 
property  had  been  destroyed  or  damaged  by  French  cruisers  ; 
and  the  United  States  agreed  to  pay  one  million  and  a  half 
of  francs  to  satisfy  certain  claims  which  had  been  made 
against  the  government  by  French  citizens.  It  was  agreed 
also  that  the  duty  on  cotton  imported  into  France  should 
be  reduced.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  promptly 
passed  the  laws  necessary  to  carry  this  treaty  into  effect, 
but  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies  refused  to  make  the 
necessary  appropriations  and  in  1836  Mr.  Livingston,  our 
minister  to  Paris,  having  failed  to  induce  the  French  govern- 
ment to  carry  out  this  agreement,  was  directed  by  President 
Jackson  to  ask  for  his  passport,  and  return  to  the  United 
States.     The  French  minister  was  shortly  afterwards  recalled 


190  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

from  Washington,  and  for  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  there  would 
be  war  between  the  two  countries.  In  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives there  was  a  violent  debate,  after  which  the  Presi- 
dent was  directed  to  use  the  entire  power  of  the  government, 
and,  if  necessary,  resort  to  force,  to  compel  France  to  carry  out 
this  agreement,  but  no  declaration  of  war  was  made  on  either 
side.  In  1836  the  British  government  offered  its  services  as 
mediator,  but  before  this  offer  had  been  accepted  the  French 
government  made  known  its  purpose  to  pay  the  promised 
indemnity,  and,  after  being  suspended  for  nearly  two  years, 
the  cordial  relations  between  the  two  nations  were  thus  re- 
stored. 

In  1853  there  was  concluded  a  consular  convention,  the 
former  one  of  1788  having  expired  by  limitation.  A  pro- 
vision of  this  treaty,  that  consuls  should  never  be  compelled  to 
appear  before  the  courts  as  witnesses,  occasioned  in  1854  a 
serious  complication.  The  Mexican  consul  at  San  Francisco 
being  on  trial  for  an  offense  against  the  United  States  laws, 
the  prosecuting  officer  sought  to  obtain  the  evidence  of  the 
French  consul,  who,  claiming  the  privilege  under  the  treaty, 
refused  to  appear.  But  the  accused,  resting  his  right  under 
the  sixth  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  to  have  compulsory 
process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  sought  and  ob- 
tained the  process.  Secretary  Marcy  agreed  as  a  reparation 
for  the  violation  of  the  treaty  that  when  a  French  ship  or 
squadron  should  appear  in  the  harbor  of  San  Francisco,  the 
United  States  authorities  should  greet  the  French  flag  with 
a  national  salute,  which  should  be  returned  by  the  ship  or 
squadron.     This  salute  was  accordingly  given  in  1854. 

The  declaration  of  war  between  France  and  the  North 
German  Confederation  in  July,  1870,  brought  the  diplomatic 
transactions  of  the  legation  of  the  United  States  at  Paris 
into  great  prominence.     The  German  minister  at  Washington, 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   FRANCE.  191 

having  requested  of  the  secretary  of  state  that  the  United 
States  legation  at  Paris  during  the  war  should  have  per- 
mission to  protect  from  molestation  German  subjects  who 
were  noncombatants,  Mr.  Washburn,  our  representative,  was 
instructed  to  apply  to  the  French  authorities  for  such  per- 
mission, which  was  duly  accorded  him.  Therefore  during 
the  continuance  of  the  war  the  American  minister  was  occu- 
pied in  securing  freedom  from  arrest,  and  alleviating  the 
condition  of  the  German-born  residents  of  Paris.  The  legation 
was  also  used  as  a  medium  of  communication  between  France 
and  Prussia.  Remonstrances  for  alleged  illegal  acts,  and 
notifications  of  a  varied  character  were  made  to  the  Ameri- 
can minister  in  London  by  the  German  ambassador  to 
England.  These  communications  were  thereupon  forwarded 
by  the  dispatch  pouch  to  Mr.  Washburn  to  be  presented  to 
the  appropriate  French  authority.  During  the  siege  of  Paris 
the  dispatch  pouch  of  the  United  States  legation  was  the  only 
communication  permitted  by  the  besieging  force  to  pass  to  and 
from  the  city.  The  American  minister,  while  keeping  up  rela- 
tions of  entire  good  will  with  the  French  during  the  war, 
rendered  important  services  to  all  foreigners  and  his  dis- 
patches to  the  department  form  a  graphic  picture  of  the  march 
of  events  during  the  struggle  with  Germany  and  the  terrible 
scenes  of  the  commune.* 

In  1881,  the  formation  of  the  French  Company  under 
De  Lesseps  for  the  construction  of  a  canal  across  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama,  brought  again  into  prominence  the  treaty  of  1846 
with  New  Granada,  by  which  the  United  States  guaranteed 
the  neutrality  of  transit  across  the  isthmus.  It  was  suggested 
that,  in  view  of  the  possibility  of  the  ultimate  construction 
of  the  canal,   other  countries  should  be  asked  by  Colombia 


*  Consult  page  146  and  page  147. 


192  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND    FOREIGN    POWERS. 

to  join  in  the  recognition  of  neutrality.  In  order  to  prevent 
any  misapprehension  as  to  the  views  and  position  of  the 
administration  on  this  question  the  secretary  of  state  issued  a 
circular  of  instruction  to  the  American  minister  in  France  and 
other  capitals,  in  which,  while  disclaiming  any  purpose  to 
interfere  with  the  commercial  enterprise  of  the  citizens  of 
France  or  of  other  nations  or  to  seek  exclusive  privilege  for 
American  vessels,  it  was  insisted  that  the  United  States  would 
exercise  her  right  to  take  all  needful  precautions  against 
the  possibility  of  the  isthmus  transit  being  in  any  event 
used  offensively  against  her  interests  upon  the  land  or  upon 
the  sea.  Any  attempt  to  supersede  the  guarantee  already 
made  by  the  United  States  by  an  agreement  between  Euro- 
pean powers,  it  was  stated,  would  be  regarded  as  an  indication 
of  unfriendly  feeling. 

The  various  decrees  of  the  French  government  restricting 
and  suspending,  on  alleged  sanitary  grounds,  the  importa- 
tion of  that  very  important  class  of  American  commodities, 
pork  products,  has  furnished  the  theme  for  continuous  diplo- 
matic correspondence  for  twenty  years,  during  which  time 
a  suggested  reprisal  of  an  extra  duty  on  French  w'ines  has  met 
with  considerable  favor.  Upon  the  passage  of  an  act  by  Con- 
gress providing  for  a  thorough  inspection  of  all  meats  intended 
for  exportation,  the  American  minister,  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid, 
was  enabled  in  1S91  to  secure  the  repeal  of  the  prohibition. 
The  French  Spoliation  Claims. 

The  so-called  French  "spoliation"  claims  have  had  con- 
tinued prominence  in  both  the  diplomatic  and  domestic 
history  of  this  country  longer  than  any  other  matter  of 
diplomacy.  They  grew  out  of  the  depredations  committed  by 
French  cruisers  upon  American  shipping,  commencing  in 
1703.  When,  as  has  been  recited,  the  war  between  England 
and  France  began,  the  latter  nation  called  upon  the  United 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   FRANCE.  193 

States  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  made 
in  1778,  when  our  fathers  were  seeking  aid  to  carry  on  the 
Revolution.  Under  this  treaty  the  United  States  bound  itself 
to  render  military  aid  to  France  when  required ;  to  permit 
French  privateers  and  vessels  of  war  the  same  privilege  in 
their  harbors  that  were  given  to  their  own  shipping ;  and  to 
protect  the  French  possessions  in  America.  The  reasons  why 
the  provisions  of  the  treaty  could  not  be  complied  with 
have  been  explained,  but  the  failure  of  the  United  States  to 
comply  with  the  expectations  of  France  exasperated  that 
nation  to  such  a  degree  that  retaliation  was  resorted  to.  Ves- 
sels belonging  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  the  number  of 
one  hundred  and  three  were  forcibly  detained  in  the  harbor  of 
Bordeaux ;  many  other  vessels  were  overtaken  at  sea  by 
French  privateers  and  were  captured  or  destroyed  with  their 
cargoes ;  supplies  were  forcibly  taken  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States  by  French  men-of-war,  and  payment  was 
refused  for  those  that  had  been  contracted  for  and  delivered. 
The  ministers  and  commissioners  who  went  to  Paris  from 
1793  to  1800,  vainly  endeavored  to  persuade  the  French  govern- 
ment to  prevent  these  depredations,  and  to  pay  the  damages 
they  had  caused,  but  it  was  not  until  the  latter  year  that 
the  privateering  was  stopped,  nor  was  it  until  1803  that 
France  would  admit  that  any  indemnity  was  due  for  the 
losses  suffered.  When  Louisiana  was  bought,  the  United 
States  were  permitted  to  deduct  2,000,000  francs  (about  $400,000) 
from  the  purchase  money,  and  to  use  it  in  the  settlement  of 
such  claims  ;  but  after  that  date  the  plundering  continued,  and 
the  effect  upon  American  commerce  was  disastrous.  Again 
claims  for  damages  were  made  by  America.  After  much  dis- 
cussion the  French  government  finally  agreed  in  1815  to  pay 
an  indemnity  of  25,000,000  francs  (§5,000,000),  while  the  United 
States  were  to  be  released  from  all  French  claims  by  the  pay- 


194  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND    FOREIGN   I>OWERS. 

ment  of  1,500,000  francs  ($300,000) ;  but  the  legislative  chamber 
failed  to  make  the  necessary  appropriations.  The  continued 
delay  of  France  was  complained  of  by  the  United  States  until 
at  last  in  1835  matters  took  a  serious  turn  and  diplomatic 
relations  were  severed.  "When  the  French  government  real- 
ized that  this  country  would  brook  no  further  hesitation,  the 
appropriations  were  passed. 

Thus  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  spoliation  claims  ended. 
Not  so  the  domestic,  for  though  the  bills  that  have  been  intro- 
duced in  Congress  authorizing  the  President  to  pay  the  claims 
have  received  no  less  than  forty-three  favorable  reports  against 
three  that  were  adverse,  it  was  not  until  the  act  of  January  20, 

1885,  that  provision  was  made  for  settlement.  Tbis  act  re- 
ferred the  petitioners  to  the  Court  of  Claims,  and  in  May, 

1886,  Judge  John  Davis  delivered  an  elaborate  judgment  in 
favor  of  the  claimants  and  reviewed  the  entire  history  of 
the  affair.  The  first  appropriation  on  account  of  the  claims 
was  made  in  the  deficiency  act  of  March  3,  1S91,  and  the 
money  is  now  being  distributed  among  the  heirs  of  those 
who  owned  the  vessels  that  were  destroyed. 

The  Purchase  of  Louisiana. 

When  in  1S00  the  United  States  government  learned  of 
the  secret  treaty  by  which  Spain  had  agreed  to  return  to 
France  her  vast  Louisiana  territory,  there  was  a  general  feel- 
ing of  apprehension.  The  power  controlling  the  Mississippi 
River  was  a  natural  enemy  to  our  government.  Spain  as  a 
comparatively  weak  nation  was  not  greatly  to  be  dreaded, 
but  France,  an  old  friend,  would  be  a  formidable  rival.  Then 
again  the  possession  of  Canada  by  England,  the  enemy  of 
France,  would  in  case  of  war  make  the  northwestern  part 
of  the  United  States  a  battle  ground.  Probably,  however,  the 
conviction  that  the  best  interests  of  this  government  were  im- 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  FRANCE.  195 

periled  by  the  presence  on  American  soil  of  any  foreign  power 
was  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  American  people. 

Mr.  Robert  Livingston,  who  was  minister  to  France,  pre- 
sented to  the  authorities  of  the  French  republic  a  proposition 
for  the  purchase  of  New  Orleans.    It  was  received  with  so 
much  favor  that  Mr.  Monroe  was  sent  to  Paris  in  March,  1803, 
bearing  instructions  to  carry  out  that  project  if  possible.    The 
original  plan  was  to  purchase  only  that  part  of  the  French 
possessions  lying  east  of  the  Mississippi  River,  but  Talleyrand 
suggested  the  cession  of  the  whole  French  domain  in  North 
America,  and  asked  how  much  would  be  given  for  it.    Mr. 
Livingston  intimated  that  twenty  millions  of  francs  might  be 
a  fair  price,  but  Napoleon  Bonaparte  said  this  was  too  low,  and 
named  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  millions  of  francs.    In  a 
very  short  time  however,  after  negotiations  began  between 
Mr.  Livingston  and  Talleyrand,  the  American  commissioners 
agreed  to  pay  eighty  millions  of  francs  for  the  vast  territory 
along  and  beyond  the  Mississippi  River.    This  act,  although 
unauthorized  and  unexpected,  was  agreed  to  by  the  President, 
Congress  was  at  once  summoned  to  consider  the  proposition, 
and  on  the  20th  of  the  following  December  the  province  of 
Louisiana  was  officially  surrendered  to  Governor  Claiborne  of 
Mississippi  and  General  Wilkinson  of  the  United  States  Army, 
who  were  empowered  to  take  charge  and  assume  command. 
It  was  afterwards  disclosed  that  the  territory  could  have  been 
obtained  for  fifty  millions  of  francs  had  our  commissioners  in- 
sisted upon  that  sum,  for  the  instructions  of  Napoleon  to 
his  agents  fixed  that  as  the  lowest  limit.    The  transfer  took 
place  on  the  30th  of  November  in  the  council  chamber  at  New 
Orleans,  where  M.  Laussat,  the  plenipotentiary  of  the  French 
republic,  who  twenty  days  before  had  received  the  transfer  of 
authority  from  the  Spanish  government,  handed  Governor 
Claiborne  the  keys  of  the  city  and  at  the  same  time  hauled 


196  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

down  the  flag  of  France,  which  had  floated  from  the  mast  on 
the  building.  The  American  flag  was  then  raised  to  its  full 
height  and  the  agents  of  the  two  governments  in  the  trans- 
action exchanged  congratulations.  The  transfer  of  upper 
Louisiana  to  the  United  States  took  place  at  St.  Louis  on  the 
8th  and  10th  of  March,  1804. 

The  actual  cost  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  was  $27,267,621.98, 
of  which  $15,000,000  was  the  purchase  money,  $8,529,353  repre- 
sented the  interest  upon  that  amount  to  the  redemption  of  the 
bonds  that  were  issued  to  cover  it,  and  $3,738,268.98  the  French 
spoliation  claims  which  were  paid  by  the  United  States  under 
the  treaty. 

For  this  money  1,182,755  square  miles  were  obtained. 


CHAPTEE  XIV. 

DIPLOMATIC.  RELATIONS  WITH  SPAIN,   THE  PURCHASE  OP 
FLORIDA,    AND   THE  WAR  OF   1898. 

The  administration  of  Washington  inherited  from  the  Con- 
tinental Congress  a  perplexing  legacy  in  the  form  of  a  dispute 
over  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River.  Therefore,  one 
of  the  first  acts  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  when  he  became  secretary  of 
state,  was  to  demand  of  Spain  the  right  of  free  navigation 
for  the  purpose  of  commercial  intercourse.  That  government, 
however,  declined  to  discuss  the  question,  and  in  the  following 
year  a  commission  was  appointed  to  visit  Madrid  to  determine 
the  question  of  boundaries  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Spanish  possessions  in  America  ;  as  well  as  to  secure  the  navi- 
gation of  the  river.  These  commissioners  were  instructed 
to  insist  that  the  boundaries  acknowledged  by  England  in  the 
treaty  of  peace  should  be  recognized  by  Spain  so  far  as  they 
touched  her  possessions ;  and  that  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  must  have  the  right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi  from  its 
source  to  its  mouth  without  hindrances  or  obstructions  or  the 
payment  of  tolls.  They  were  also  to  insist  that  this  be  ac- 
knowledged as  a  right,  and  not  as  a  concession  or  grant  from 
Spain.  The  Spanish  government  had  little  respect  for  the 
power  of  the  United  States,  and  was,  moreover,  secretly  in- 
fluenced by  France  to  resist  our  claims,  so  that  the  negotia- 
tions came  to  nothing. 

137 


19S 


TIIK    IMTED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   I'OWEIIS. 


The  change  in  the  political  relations  of  Europe  caused  by  the 
conclusion  of  peace  between  France  and  Spain  at  Basle  in 
Jul}',  1795,  led  Great  Britain  to  consider  plans  for  attacking 
Spain.  Upon  the  commencement  of  hostilities  his  Catholic 
majesty's  ministers  became  more  inclined  to  view  favorably 
the  requests  of  the  United  States  for  an  agreement  on  the 
points  at  issue.  In  the  meantime,  complaint  having  been 
made  by  Spain  that  the  United  States  had  not  hitherto  sent  to 
that  country  an  envoy  of  the  rank  due  to  her  position,  and 

able  to  deal  properly 
with  such  delicate  and 
important  affairs, 
Washington  in  De- 
cember, 1794,  commis- 
sioned General  Thos. 
Pinckney  as  minister 
plenipotentiary  to 
Madrid  with  full  pow- 
ers  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  or  convention 
concerning  the  navi- 
gation of  the  river  Mississippi ;  and  such  other  matters  relative 
to  the  territories  of  the  respective  countries  as  required  to  be 
adjusted  and  regulated,  and  in  reference  to  their  mutual  com- 
merce. Pinckney  was  also  empowered  to  secure,  if  possible, 
compensation  for  the  damages  and  losses  sustained  by  Ameri- 
can citizens  from  the  acts  of  Spain  or  her  subjects. 

After  General  Pinckney  had  set  out  for  his  post,  but  before  he 
roached  Madrid  the  Spanish  minister  sent  a  note  to  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph, the  secretary  of  state,  informing  him  that  the  king  wras 
ready  to  enter  into  negotiations  ;  to  fix  the  boundaries  agree- 
able to  the  United  States  as  far  as  they  might  be  compatible 
with  the  treaties  made  with  the  Indians,  and  to  consider  the 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  SPAIN.  199 

navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River,  expecting  in  return  a 
substantial  treaty  of  alliance  and  a  reciprocal  guarantee  of  the 
possessions  of  both  countries.  It  was  also  hoped  that  the  ques- 
tions of  trade  might  be  arranged  on  a  footing  of  reciprocity. 

Notwithstanding  the  assurances  that  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment had  given  of  its  readiness  to  treat  on  these  points, 
General  Pinckney  encountered  the  usual  delay,  until,  believing 
that  it  was  useless  to  make  any  further  endeavors  to  reach 
an  agreement,  on  the  24th  of  October,  1795,  he  demanded  his 
passports. 

This  decided  step  induced  Prince  Godoy,  the  prime  minister, 
to  act  promptly  and  within  three  days  he  and  Pinckney  signed 
a  treaty  of  friendship,  limits,  and  navigation. 

By  this  treaty  Spain  agreed  to  the  southern  boundary  of  the 
United  States  as  it  had  been  settled  in  the  treaty  with  Great 
Britain,  and  consented  to  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to 
fix  the  limits.  It  was  agreed  also  that  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  River  from  its  sources  to  the  ocean  should  be  free 
"  only  to  his  subjects  and  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
unless  he  should  extend  the  privilege  to  other  powers  by 
special  convention."  Places  of  deposit  for  merchandise  in 
transit  for  export  were  established  at  ISTew  Orleans  or  at  some 
other  convenient  place  on  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi.  The 
provisions  concerning  navigation  were  similar  to  those  in 
the  treaties  previously  negotiated  with  other  countries.  In 
respect  to  the  claims  against  Spain  a  commission  was  author- 
ized to  sit  in  Philadelphia,  and  "impartially  to  examine  and 
decide  the  claims  in  question,  according  to  the  merits  of  the 
several  cases,  and  to  justice,  equity,  and  the  laws  of  nations." 

Although  speedily  ratified  by  both  countries,  disputes  con- 
stantly arose  as  to  alleged  infringements  and  protests  were 
made  for  the  failure  of  Spain  to  comply  with  its  engagements. 
In  violation  of  the  express  agreement  Spanish  troops  were  not 


200  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

withdrawn  finally  until  almost  the  time  of  the  cession  of 
France  ;  and  what  was  of  much  greater  importance  the  Span- 
ish iutendant  of  New  Orleans  in  contravention  of  Article  22, 
suspended  the  right  of  deposit  for  American  merchandise  at 
that  city  without  designating  "  an  equivalent  establishment" 
on  another  part  of  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi. 

When  the  Jay  treaty  (see  page  lo-l)  with  England  took  effect 
the  Spanish  authorities  complained  that  the  United  States  had 
no  right  to  accord  to  Great  Britain  the  liberty  to  navigate  the 
Mississippi  River,  claiming  that  it  was  prejudicial  to  Spanish 
interests.  Chevalier  de  Yrujo,  the  Spanish  minister  in  the 
United  States  in  1797,  made  an  elaborate  protest  against  the 
treaty  and  the  explanatory  article,  declaring  that  no  subsequent 
treaty  had  impaired  the  right  to  free  communication.  Secre- 
tary Pickering  met  the  arguments  with  a  long  reply,  but  the 
difficulties  remained  unsettled,  and  another  treaty  was  found 
necessary,  though  it  was  over  twenty  years  before  an  agree- 
ment was  reached.  In  the  course  of  the  contentions  respecting 
the  boundary,  the  French  prime  minister,  to  whom  both 
parties  appealed  as  to  the  true  interpretation  of  the  specified 
limits,  exerted  every  influence  in  his  power  against  the  claims 
set  up  by  the  United  States. 

The  incidents  of  D'Yrujo's  career  formed  a  striking  episode 
in  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  country.  Having  protested 
strongly  against  the  Jay  treaty,  he  redoubled  his  exertions 
as  soon  as  the  cession  of  Louisiana  to  France  by  Spain  was 
made  public.  He  fairly  outdid  the  French  minister  Genet  in 
his  outrageous  attacks  on  the  United  States  government,  going 
so  far  as  to  have  his  strictures  printed  in  certain  Philadelphia 
newspapers.  Mr.  Madison  naturally  requested  the  recall  of 
this  obnoxious  envoy  but  the  home  government  attempted  to 
support  the  untenable  position  of  D' Yrujo.  After  an  animated 
correspondence,  in  the  course  of  which  each  government  de- 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  SPAIN.  201 

manded  damages  for  the  conduct  of  the  other,  the  Spanish 
court  yielded  and  changed  its  representative. 

Disputes  having  arisen  on  account  of  the  revocation  of  the 
right  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans  granted  under  the  treaty 
of  1795,  demand  was  made  upon  Spain  for  satisfaction  and 
payment.  To  these  claims  were  added  those  for  spoliation 
committed  on  the  sea  before  the  peace  of  Amiens  (1802).  An 
agreement  was  reached  between  Cevallos,  the  Spanish  secre- 
tary of  state,  and  Charles  Pinckney,  the  American  minister, 
referring  certain  of  the  claims  to  a  commission,  and  the  con- 
vention was  signed  August  11,  1802.  After  some  discussion 
it  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  in  1804,  but  the  king  of  Spain 
having  protested  against  the  establishing  of  a  customs  district 
at  Mobile,  refused  to  ratify  the  agreement  unless  the  act 
was  repealed  or  a  declaration  made  recognizing  the  sover- 
eignty of  Spain  over  Mobile  Bay.  Consequently  the  treaty 
was  not  finally  promulgated  until  1819,  and  was  really 
never  put  into  effect. 

Meanwhile  negotiations  were  carried  on  for  an  adjustment  of 
the  boundaries  and  for  a  settlement  of  all  other  pending  ques- 
tions. The  wars  in  Europe,  with  the  dethronement  of  Fer- 
dinand VII.  of  Spain,  interrupted  the  negotiations,  which 
after  the  restoration  in  1814  were  resumed  through  Mr. 
Irving,  the  United  States  minister  at  Madrid,  while  the 
secretary  of  state  made  propositions  to  Don  Luis  de  Onis,  the 
minister  at  Washington.  The  propositions  submitted  by  the 
United  States  were :  First,  that  Spain  should  cede  all  the 
territory  east  of  the  Mississippi ;  second,  that  her  eastern 
boundary  should  be  marked  by  the  Colorado  Eiver  ;  third,  that 
claims  for  indemnities  for  spoliation  committed  either  by  the 
Spanish  or  French  within  the  waters  of  Spain,  and  for  the 
losses  occasioned  by  the  abrogation  of  the  right  of  deposit, 
should  be  settled  by  a  commission  ;  fourth,  that  the  lands  from 


202  THE  UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   TOWERS. 

East  Florida  to  the  Louisiana  boundary  should  be  held  as 
security  for  the  payment  of  these  claims,  and  that  no  alleged 
grant  of  land  by  Spain  in  this  territory  subsequent  to  the  date 
of  the  treaty  of  1802  should  be  held  as  valid  ;  fifth,  and  that 
in  consideration  of  this  transfer  Spain  should  be  released  from 
the  claims  urged  by  the  United  States. 

Many  troublesome  incidents  occurred  during  the  course  of 
this  long  discussion,  which  tended  still  further  to  increase  the 
irritation  existing  between  the  two  countries.  In  1S0G,  a 
Venezuelan  patriot  by  the  name  of  Miranda,*  who  had 
served  with  Lafayette  in  the  Army  of  Washington,  made  a 
revolutionary  invasion  of  Spanish  America,  and  claiming  that 
the  administration  of  Jefferson  was  friendly  to  the  movement, 
enlisted  a  number  of  prominent  men  in  the  scheme.  As  a 
consecmence  the  Spanish  government  forbade  all  trade  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  her  American  possessions,  and 
though  her  fleet  was  insignificant,  she  declared  a  great  extent 
of  coast  to  be  in  blockade,  and  harassed  the  commerce  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Caribbean  Sea  so  that  heavy 
losses  were  sustained  by  the  American  shipping. 

While  the  negotiations  for  the  purchase  of  Florida  were 
gradually  reaching  a  conclusion,  the  Spanish  king  made 
several  grants  of  immense  tracts  of  land  in  that  territory, 
which  he  was  proposing  to  cede  to  the  United  States,  and  had 
it  not  been  for  the  firm  position  maintained  by  the  Ameri- 
can government  there  would  have  been  only  a  very  small  part 
of  the  land  to  transfer.  Indeed  the  draft  submitted  by  the 
Spanish  minister  a  few  months  preceding  the  treaty  was 
to  cede  the  provinces  of  East  and  West  Florida,  and  pro- 
vided that  "the  donations  or  sales  of  lands  made  by  the 
government  of  his  majesty  or  by  legal  authorities  until  this 
time,  are  nevertheless  to  be  recognized  as  valid." 

*  For  an  account  of  this  expedition,  see  page  37. 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  SPAIN.  203 

The  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  22d  of  February,  1819, 
which  purported  to  settle  all  the  difficulties  and  pretensions  of 
the  two  countries,  and  to  designate  with  precision  the  limits  of 
their  bordering  territories.  John  Forsyth  of  Georgia  was 
appointed  minister  plenipotentiary  in  February,  1819,  and 
he  was  made  the  bearer  of  the  treaty  to  the  court  of  Spain. 
The  United  States  ship  Hornet  was  placed  at  his  disposal,  and 
he  received  instructions  to  procure  the  ratification  by  the 
king  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment.  The  Hornet  was 
ordered  to  wait  for  the  treaty  and  bring  it  back.  But  the 
king  sent  word  that  in  view  of  the  great  importance  of 
the  treaty  it  was  indispensable  that  he  should  examine  it 
with  the  greatest  caution  and  deliberation. 

"While  Forsyth  was  protesting  at  Madrid  against  the  delay 
in  formally  ratifying  the  treaty,  the  Spanish  king  sent  General 
Vives  to  Washington  to  inform  the  American  government 
that  if  measures  would  be  taken  to  prevent  alleged  piratical 
excursions  from  ports  in  the  United  States ;  if  further  aid 
to  the  invasion  of  his  Catholic  majesty's  possessions  in  North 
America  would  be  stopped  ;  and  if  assurance  would  be  given 
that  no  relations  would  be  formed  with  the  revolted  provinces 
of  Spain,  then  the  treaty  would  be  ratified.  This  proposition 
was  received  with  surprise  and  indignation,  and  a  carefully 
drawn  reply  was  made  by  the  secretary  of  state,  in  which 
he  firmly  refused  to  consider  the  terms  of  the  treaty  as  open  to 
question.  After  a  delay  of  precisely  two  years,  upon  the 
adoption  of  a  constitution  to  which  the  king  was  compelled  to 
take  an  oath  of  allegiance,  the  treaty  by  the  advice  of  the 
Cortes  was  finally  ratified.  Incorporated  with  the  ratification 
of  the  king  was  a  specific  declaration  that  the  three  grants  to 
the  Duke  of  Alagor,  the  Count  of  Punonrostro,  and  Don  Pedro 
de  Vargas,  which  had  been  made  secretly  during  the  progress 
of  these  negotiations,  were  invalid  and  null. 


204  Till;   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

The  treaty  ceded  all  of  the  Floridas  to  the  United  States, 
and  marked  the  western  boundary  of  the  United  States  by  the 
Sabine  River,  the  Red  River  to  100°  of  west  longitude,  the 
Arkansas  River  to  latitude  42°  north,  and  thence  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  Surveys  were  provided  for  ;  religious  freedom 
was  secured  ;  previous  Spanish  grants  were  recognized  and 
confirmed  ;  mutual  claims  upon  the  two  continents  were 
renounced,  and  the  United  States  undertook  to  satisfy  the 
demands  of  their  citizens  against  Spain,  to  the  extent  of 
five  millions  of  dollars.  Provision  was  made  for  a  commission 
of  three  to  examine  and  decide  upon  the  amount  and  validity 
of  these  claims.  As  a  proof  of  the  friendly  sentiments 
toward  Spain,  the  United  States  agreed  to  permit  vessels  laden 
with  Spanish  products  from  her  ports  or  colonies,  to  enter  St. 
Augustine  and  Pensacola  without  paying  other  duties  than 
those  imposed  upon  American  vessels.  This  exemption 
was  to  be  exclusively  enjoyed  by  Spanish  vessels,  and  was 
to  last  for  twelve  years. 

The  general  revolt  against  the  Spanish  crown  in  the 
countries  of  South  America  led  to  many  depredations  upon 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States  by  privateers  sailing  under 
commissions  from  the  Spanish  authorities.  Upon  the  capture 
of  some  of  these  vessels  by  the  armed  ships  of  the  United 
States,  the  Spanish  minister,  Scfior  de  Anduaga,  sharply  as- 
sailed the  authorities  for  this  necessary  retaliation.  Mr. 
Adams  replied  asserting  the  entire  friendship  of  the  United 
States,  but  insisting  on  the  right  to  protect  trade  from  the 
incursions  of  the  so-called  privateers.  Matters  grew  so  bad 
that  the  President  asked  the  authority  of  Congress  to  con- 
struct additional  vessels  and  recommended  the  pursuit  of 
the  offenders  even  after  they  had  landed,  and  if  that  were 
not  successful,  he  urged  the  making  of  reprisals  on  the 
property  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  blockade  of  the  ports 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH   SPAIN.  205 

from  which  the  pirates  came  or  in  which  they  found  shelter. 

The  losses  suffered  by  the  owners  of  American  vessels  and 
cargoes  were  the  subject  of  protracted  discussion  between  the 
two  governments,  resulting  in  the  "  claims  convention  "  of 
1834,  by  the  terms  of  which  Spain  acknowledged  her  liability 
and  agreed  to  pay  to  the  United  States  twelve  millions  of 
reals  vellon  bearing  interest  at  five  per  cent  per  annum  pay- 
able in  Paris  ;  the  government  of  the  United  States  was  to 
make  the  distribution  to  the  claimants. 

The  kingdom  of  Spain  was  at  this  time  so  disturbed  with 
insurrections  and  civil  wars  that  it  became  practically  impos- 
sible for  her  to  meet  the  payment  of  this  interest  and  finally, 
Mr.  Buchanan,  when  secretary  of  state,  accepted  the  payment 
of   $30,000  annually  at  Havana  as  the  interest  on  the  debt. 

The  location  of  Cuba  and  its  remaining  a  colony  of  Spain, 
instead  of  joining  in  the  column  of  the  republics  which  had 
thrown  off  the  Spanish  rule,  led  to  many  delicate  questions 
between  the  United  States  and  the  home  government.  In 
1840  it  was  gravely  suspected  that  agents  of  Great  Britain 
who  were  determined  to  put  an  end  to  the  traffic  in  negro 
slaves  were  intriguing  with  malcontents  in  Cuba  to  arouse  a 
rebellion  against  the  government.  So  deej)  was  the  conviction 
that  the  President  sent  a  special  message  to  the  consul  general 
at  Havana  informing  him  that  this  government  having 
learned,  from  what  appeared  to  be  a  reliable  source,  of  a  prob- 
able uprising,  it  was  important  that  exact  and  detailed  infor- 
mation should  be  communicated  at  once.  At  the  same  time 
the  minister  at  Madrid  was  directed  to  inform  the  Spanish 
government  that  the  United  States,  having  so  great  an  interest 
in  the  condition  of  the  island,  would  never  permit  it  to  be 
occupied  by  British  agents  or  forces  under  any  pretext  what- 
ever, and  in  the  event  of  any  attempt  by  any  European  power 
to  disturb  Spain's  sovereignty  the  United  States  would  lend 


206  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

its  whole  naval  and  military  resources  to  aid  in  preserving  or 
restoring  it. 

Such  assurances  were  repeatedly  conveyed  to  the  Spanish 
ministry,  and  at  various  times  propositions  have  been  broached 
to  purchase  the  island.  These  however  have  been  declined  as 
the  pride  of  the  country  would  not  permit  the  disposal  of  the 
territory  in  that  manner.  Nevertheless  the  American  min- 
isters at  Madrid  have  been  constantly  instructed  to  advise  the 
Department  of  State,  should  there  appear  to  be  a  disposition 
at  any  time  to  consider  the  question. 

In  1851  when  England  undertook  to  assist  Spain  in  preserv- 
ing the  island  of  Cuba  from  suspected  invasion  by  parties 
organized  in  the  United  States,  it  was  plainly  intimated  that 
such  a  course  would  not  be  permitted  by  this  government,  as 
it  would  involve  the  act  of  searching  American  merchant  ves- 
sels to  ascertain  whether  they  contained  alleged  invaders. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  Cuba  suffered 
from  the  same  inconvenience  that  has  been  experienced  with 
Canada.  Both  being  dependencies  of  European  powers,  there 
were  no  diplomatic  officers  in  either  colony  with  whom  the 
authorities  at  Washington  could  communicate.  Every  ques- 
tion that  arose  was  subjected  to  a  roundabout  and  triangular 
course  of  correspondence.  The  home  government  must  be 
approached,  and  before  a  reply  can  be  made,  a  report  is  gener- 
ally required  from  the  governing  power  of  the  dependency. 
When  it  was  proposed  that  the  United  States  should  unite 
with  England  and  France,  in  guaranteeing  the  Spanish 
dominion  of  Cuba  and  mutually  disclaim  forever  all  intention 
to  obtain  possession  of  the  island,  President  Fillmore  promptly 
declined  to  become  a  party  to  such  an  agreement,  yet  at  the 
same  time  the  powers  were  informed  that  the  United  States 
had  no  designs  of  acquisition. 

In  1869,  the  disaffection  against  the  Spanish  rule  which  had 


DIPLOMATIC   RELATIONS  WITH   SPAIN.  207 

existed  so  long  among  the  native  Cubans  broke  out  in  active 
rebellion.  A  republic  was  proclaimed  at  Yara  ;  an  army  was 
raised  to  secure  independence  and  a  desultory  warfare  lasting 
for  nearly  ten  years  ensued.  The  interests  of  the  United 
States  were  deeply  affected,  owing  to  the  large  amount  of  capi- 
tal from  this  country  invested  in  the  sugar  plantations  and 
coffee  estates  throughout  the  island.  In  August,  1869,  the 
Spanish  authorities  in  Cuba  issued  a  decree  seizing  the  estates 
of  all  persons  who  were  suspected  of  sympathy  with  the  revo- 
lutionists. Under  this  decree  the  property  of  many  American 
citizens  valued  at  millions  of  dollars  was  confiscated.  The 
protests  made  by  General  Sickles  at  Madrid  resulted  in  a 
decree  releasing  such  estates  as  were  owned  by  Americans,  but 
the  authorities  on  the  island  paid  little  heed  to  this  action,  and 
it  was  not  until  a  voluminous  correspondence  had  taken  place 
that  any  measure  of  relief  was  afforded.  Meanwhile  it  was 
agreed  that  the  claims  for  damages  should  be  referred  to  a 
commission  of  arbitration  which  met  in  Washington. 

On  the  31st  of  October,  1873,  the  steamship  Vlrginius,  sailing 
under  the  United  States  flag,  was  captured  by  the  Spanish 
man-of-war  Tornado,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  1st  of  No- 
vember carried  into  the  port  of  Santiago  de  Cuba.  In  spite  of 
the  protests  of  the  United  States  consular  officer,  Gen.  Bur- 
riel,  the  commandant  of  the  city,  convened  a  court  martial, 
which  met  at  nine  in  the  morning  and  before  four  had  con- 
cluded its  bloody  work.  As  the  result  of  its  labors  General 
W.  A.  C.  Ryan,  who  had  been  connected  with  the  Irish  revo- 
lutionary movement,  and  three  others  were  shot  to  death  on 
the  4th.  Four  days  later  twelve  more  of  the  passengers  were 
executed,  and  on  the  13th  Captain  Fry  and  thirty-six  of  his 
crew  met  the  same  fate.  General  Sickles  at  Madrid  so  vigor- 
ously protested  against  the  action  of  the  Cuban  officials  that 
the  relations  of  the  United  States  were  on  the  point  of  being 


208  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

broken  ofF.  Upon  failing  after  repeated  efforts  to  obtain  any 
promise  of  reparation  for  the  insult  to  tbe  flag,  our  minister 
asked  for  his  passports.  But  through  the  Spanish  envoy  at 
Washington  an  agreement  was  reached,  whereby  the  Virginius, 
with  those  of  her  passengers  and  crew  who  had  escaped  the 
fate  of  their  companions,  should  be  surrendered  to  an  Ameri- 
can naval  vessel.  It  was  also  agreed  that,  if  the  Virginius 
should  be  found  to  have  the  right  to  sail  under  United  States 
papers,  the  flag  should  be  duly  saluted  at  Santiago  de 
Cuba.  The  ship  and  passengers  were  surrendered  but,  the 
attorney  general  having  decided  that  the  Virginius  was  not 
entitled  to  be  considered  an  American  ship,  the  salute  was  not 
demanded.  In  the  meantime,  the  Spanish  government  offi- 
cially disclaimed  any  intent  of  indignity  to  the  flag  of  the 
United  States. 

After  more  than  a  year  of  persistent  pressure  Spain  paid  to 
the  United  States  as  a  reparation  for  the  killing  of  passengers 
and  crew  of  the  Virginius  the  sum  of  $S0,000,  which  was  dis- 
tributed to  the  heirs  of  the  victims.  Earnest  efforts  to  secure 
the  punishment  of  General  Burriel  for  his  butchery  were 
unavailing,  although  a  thorough  investigation  by  a  military 
tribunal  was  promised.  Far  from  being  punished,  he  was 
promoted  to  be  a  field  marshal. 

In  March,  1895,  another  revolutionary  outbreak  occurred  in 
Cuba,  which  was  so  prolonged,  and  was  attended  by  such  damage 
to  and  destruction  of  property  belonging  to  foreigners,  and  such 
acts  of  cruelty  and  oppression  upon  unoffending  citizens  by  the 
Spanish  authorities  as  to  justify  the  intervention  of  the  United 
States.  The  destruction  of  the  battleship  "Maine,"  and  the 
death  of  2G0  officers  and  sailors  of  the  United  States  Navy  in 
Havana  Harbor,  for  which  the  subjects,  if  not  the  government, 
of  Spain  were  believed  to  be  responsible,  made  prompt  and 
summary  action  necessary.    President  McKinley  demanded 


DIPLOMATIC  RELATIONS  WITH  SPAIN.  209 

the  evacuation  of  Cuba  by  the  army  of  Spain  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  liberal  representative  government  by  the  resi- 
dents of  that  island.  Spain  having  declined  to  accede  to  this 
demand,  on  the  21st  of  April,  1898,  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  declared  war.  On  the  first  of  May  Admiral  Dewey 
destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet  in  the  harbor  of  Manila,  and  held 
that  city  in  a  state  of  siege.  The  ports  of  Cuba  and  Puerto 
Rico  were  blockaded  ;  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Cervera  was  de- 
stroyed on  the  3d  of  July  as  it  attempted  to  escape  from  the 
harbor  of  Santiago ;  that  city  was  captured  by  the  United 
States  forces  under  General  Shatter  ;  Puerto  Rico  was  occupied 
soon  after  by  an  army  under  General  Miles ;  and  General 
Merritt  was  sent  to  the  Philippine  Islands  with  16,000  men  to 
reinforce  Admiral  Dewey's  fleet. 

In  July,  through  the  Ambassador  of  France  at  Washington, 
the  government  of  Spain  sued  for  peace,  a  protocol  was  signed 
at  the  White  House  without  delay,  and  in  the  September 
following  commissioners  from  the  United  States  met  commis- 
sioners from  Spain  at  Paris,  and  signed  a  treaty  of  peace, 
which  was  ratified  at  Washington  in  April,  1899.  By  this 
treaty  Spain  surrendered  sovereignty  over  the  island  of  Cuba, 
and  ceded  to  the  United  States  Puerto  Rico  and  other  islands 
in  the  West  Indies,  the  Ladrone  Islands  in  the  Pacific,  and 
the  entire  Philippine  Archipelago. 

The  Purchase  of  Florida. 

When  Mr.  Jefferson  opened  negotiations  with  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  for  the  purchase  of  New  Orleans  he  intended  only 
to  secure  control  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  the 
mouth  of  that  river.  By  the  treaty  of  peace  in  17S2,  by  which 
the  independence  of  the  American  colonies  was  acknowl- 
edged by  Great  Britain,  the  southern  boundary  of  the  United 
States,  as  recognized  by  that  government  and  Spain,  was  a 
line  running  from  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  River  to  the  Appa- 


210  DIPLOMATIC   RELATIONS  WITH   SI\A.IN. 

lachicola.    The  Spanish  colony  of  Florida  was  thus  separated 
from  that  of  Mexico,  and  as  the  former  was  principally  set- 
tled by  Englishmen,  whose  interests  were  allied  to  those  of 
the  United  States,  Spain  realized  that  she  was  destined  to  lose 
control  by  revolution  sooner  or  later,  and  the  revolt  of  her 
colonies  in  South  America  made  the  situation  more  perilous. 
In  fact  as  early  as  1810  a  revolutionary  party  in  Florida  de- 
clared for  independence  and  established  a  provisional  govern- 
ment.   They  asked  admission  to  the  United  States,  and  a  loan 
of  money  to  maintain  themselves  against  the  authority  of 
Spain.     President  Madison  declined  to  grant  their  requests, 
but  sent  a  commission  to  negotiate  for  the  purchase  of  the 
Florida  territory.     Spain  refused.     In  1812  General  Matthews 
of  Georgia  was  sent  to  Florida  to  receive  the  province  if  the 
Spanish  authorities  would    surrender  it    peacefully.      They 
again  refused,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Georgia  legis- 
lature he  co-operated  with  the  revolutionists,  and  defied  the 
Spanish  commander.     Troubles  with  the  Seminole  Indians 
again  broke  out,  and  in  1814  General  Andrew  Jackson  was 
ordered  to  undertake  their  suppression.    The  Spanish  govern- 
ment remonstrated  against   the   occupation    of   Florida   by 
United  States  troops,  but  Mr.  Monroe,  who  had  become  Presi- 
dent, in  reply  proposed  the  cession  of  Florida  in  lieu  of  the 
payment  of  claims  of  American  citizens  against  Spain.     In 
.1818  General  Jackson  took  possession  of  the  Spanish  forts  at 
Pensacola,  and  drove  out  the   governor   and   his   garrison. 
Negotiations  for  the  purchase  of  the  territory  were  then  re- 
sumed, and  finally  ended  in  a  treaty  made  by  Senor  Onis,  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  who  was  sec- 
retary of  state,  signed  at  Washington,  February  22,  1819.    The 
Florida  purchase  cost  the  United  States  $G,4S9,7GS,  and  added 
to  the  national  domain  59,2GS  square  miles  including  all  of  the 
territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  River. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

RELATIONS  WITH  RUSSIA  AND  THE  PURCHASE    OF    ALASKA. 

The  archives  of  the  State  Department  at  Washington  show- 
that   there   has  been  uninterrupted  cordiality  between  the 
empire  of  Russia  and  the  United  States  since  the  beginning  of 
our  history,  and  it  may  be  said  that  the  czar  is  the  only 
ruler  among  the  great  powers  of  Europe  with  whom  there 
has  not  been  at  one  time  or  another  some  little  friction.      Nor 
have  we  ever  had  trouble  with  a  foreign  government  with- 
out receiving  from  Russia  the  cordial  proffer  of   her  good 
offices  in  settling  the  difficulties.    She  offered  her  mediation 
to  terminate  the  War  of  1812,  and  under  her  arbitration  the 
difficulties   that   grew   out   of  the   treaty    of    Ghent    were 
settled  in  1822.    During  the  war  of  the  Rebellion  we  felt 
more  than  ever  her  friendly  sentiments,  and  her  solicitude 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  was  frequently  and  sincerely 
expressed.     She  furnished  no  hospitality  to  rebel  cruisers,  and 
no  agent  of  the  Confederacy  was  ever  encouraged  or  permitted 
to  live  at  St.  Petersburg  ;  while  on  the  other  hand  the  ports  of 
Russia  were  always  open  to  the  United  States  cruisers,  which 
were  permitted  not  only  to  seek  shelter  and  supplies  but  to 
carry  there  the  prizes  captured  at  sea. 

In  1861  the  two  governments  agreed  to  co-operate  for  the 
establishment  of  a  telegraph  service  between  San  Francisco 
and  St.  Petersburg  across  Bering  Strait.  The  Russian  fleet 
visited  the  United  States  in  1863  as  a  friendly  demonstra- 

211 


212  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN  POWERS. 

tion   to   affect   the   attitude   of   foreign   powers  toward   this 
country  during  our  war. 

In  1SG4  the  Archduke  Constantine  received  a  formal  in- 
vitation to  visit  the  United  States  in  order  that  the  govern- 
ment might  by  its  courtesies  to  him,  the  brother  of  the 
emperor,  show  its  gratitude  and  good  will.  In  18G6,  when 
the  emperor  of  Russia  narrowly  escaped  assassination,  Con- 
gress, by  solemn  resolution,  conveyed  its  sympathies  and 
its  gratitude  to  Almighty  God  for  his  preservation,  and  Mr. 
Fox,  at  that  time  the  assistant  secretary  of  the  navy,  was 
appointed  to  bear  the  resolution  in  person  to  the  emperor, 
as  an  additional  evidence  of  the  friendly  sentiments  of  this 
country.  He  was  conveyed  to  Cronstadt  in  the  monitor 
Miantonomoh,  the  most  formidable  vessel  in  our  navy,  and 
thus  a  ship  of  war  became  a  messenger  of  peace. 
Tlxe  Purchase  of  Alaska. 

Few  treaties  have  ever  been  negotiated  and  concluded  in 
so  simple  a  manner  as  that  by  which  Alaska  became  a  part 
of  the  United  States.  Two  brief  notes  only  passed  between 
the  governments  of  Russia  and  the  United  States.  The 
first  was  written  by  Mr.  Seward  on  the  25th  of  March,  18G7, 
renewing  in  formal  terms  and  in  a  letter  of  not  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  words  the  proposition  that  had  pre- 
viously been  made  in  conversation  for  the  purchase  of  the 
territory.     The  other  communication  was  even  more  brief, 

which  it  is  well  to  note : 

Washington,  March  29,  1SG7. 
Mr.  Secretary  of  State :  — 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  by  a 
telegram  dated  28th  of  this  month  from  St.  Petersburg,  Prince 
Gortchakoff  informs  me  that  his  majesty,  tho  emperor  of  all  the 
Itussias,  gives  his  consent  to  tho  cession  of  the  Russian  possessions 
on  tho  American  continent  to  the  United  States  for  the  stipulated 
sum  of  §7,200,000  in  gold,  and  that  his  majesty,  the  emperor,  invests 
me   with   full   power  to  negotiate  and  sign  the   treaty.    Please 


RELATIONS  WITH  RUSSIA — PURCHASE  OF  ALASKA.      213 

accept,  Mr.  Secretary  of  State,  the  assurances  of  my  high  con- 
sideration. Stoeckl. 
To  the  Honorable  William  IT.  Seward, 

Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States. 

Alaska  was  the  last  portion  of  the  American  continent  to 
be  discovered,  and  Russia  held  the  title  to  the  territory  by  the 
right  of  discovery  and  occupation.     Peter  the  Great,  in  1725, 
-was  curious  to  know  if  Asia  and  America  were  separated  by 
the  sea  or  if  they  were  twin  continents  attached  by  ties  of 
land.    To  obtain  this  information  he  ordered  an  expedition  to 
be  equipped,  but  he  died  before  the  preparations  were  com- 
pleted.   His    widow,  Catherine    I.,    did    not  permit  the  en- 
terprise to  be  abandoned,  and  made  Vitus  Bering,  a  Danish 
navigator  of  experience,  the  commander  of  the  party.  Taking 
with  him  seventy  sailors  and  some  shipbuilders,  Bering  left 
St.   Petersburg  on  the  5th  of   February,   1725,   and    crossed 
Siberia  and  northern  Asia  to  the  coast  of  Kamchatka.   It  took 
him  more  than  three  years  to  make  the  journey.    When  he 
reached  the  coast  he  built  a  small  vessel  and  cruised  along 
until  he  reached  the  frozen  sea.     Then  he  returned  to  his  start- 
ing place  and  crossed  overland  to  St.  Petersburg,  where  he 
arrived  in  March,  1730,  after  an  absence  of  a  little  more  than 
five  years.    He  was  created  commodore,  and  in  1741  repeated 
the  expedition  with  a  larger  force  and  better  equipments.     On 
this  journey  he  discovered  and  named  Mount  St.  Elias,  in 
honor  of  the  saint  on  whose  anniversary  he  saw  it  first.     On 
the  return  Bering  suffered  desperate  hardships,  and  his  party 
were  at  last  wrecked  upon  a  desert  island  without  a  name, 
where,  sheltered  in  a  ditch  and  covered  with  sand  to  protect 
him  from  cold,  he  died  on  the  8th  of  December,  1841.     Shortly 
after,  Spanish  and  French  voyagers  visited  the  coast,  but  the 
Russians  soon  established  military  posts  and  colonies  there,  and 
their  title  to  the  country  was  recognized  by  the  rest  of  the 
world. 


214  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWEIIS. 

The  first  proposition  to  purchase  Russian  America  was  made 
during  the  administration  of  President  Polk,  but  it  was  not 
seriously  considered.  When  Mr.  Buchanan  was  President  he 
authorized  Senator  Gwin  of  California,  afterwards  created 
duke  of  Sonora  by  Emperor  Maximilian,  to  confer  with 
the  Russian  minister  at  Washington  on  the  subject,  and 
$5,000,000  was  offered  as  purchase  money.  The  Russian  min- 
ister replied  that  while  the  offer  was  not  what  might  have 
been  expected,  it  deserved  mature  reflection,  and  stated  that 
the  minister  of  finance  had  been  instructed  to  make  an  inves- 
tigation as  to  the  value  of  the  territory.  Meanwhile  the  re- 
bellion having  begun  and  ended,  attention  was  again  directed 
to  the  Russian  possessions,  which  by  that  time  had  become 
familiar  to  the  fishermen  on  the  Pacific  coast  and  to  the 
whalers  and  seal  catchers  that  went  all  the  way  around  from 
Gloucester  and  Newburyport,  Mass.  The  matter  was  first 
brought  officially  to  the  attention  of  the  government  through 
a  memorial  presented  by  the  legislature  of  Washington  Terri- 
tory in  the  winter  of  18G6,  asking  that  the  President  would 
secure  for  the  fishermen  of  the  United  States  full  privileges 
from  Russia  for  the  use  of  its  fishing  grounds.  This  memorial 
was  forwarded  to  the  Russian  minister  at  Washington,  Mr. 
Stoeckl,  and  as  he  was  about  to  leave  for  St.  Petersburg  on  a 
vacation  he  promised  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  attention 
of  his  government  and  secure  the  most  favorable  terms. 
Archduke  Constantino,  brother  and  chief  advisor  of  the  late 
czar  of  Russia,  was  selected  to  confer  with  Mr.  Stoeckl,  and  as 
a  result  the  latter  was  authorized  to  treat  with  the  United 
States  for  the  purchase  of  the  territory.  He  arrived  in  Wash- 
ington early  in  March,  had  several  conferences  with  Mr. 
Seward,  and  arranged  with  him  the  terms  which  were  ex- 
pressed briefly  in  the  letter  before  mentioned. 

When  the  purchase  of  Russian  America  became  known  to 


RELATIONS  WITH    KUSSIA — PURCHASE  OF  ALASKA.     215 

the  public  it  evoked  a  storm  of  protests  and  ridicule.  It  was 
declared  to  be  a  barren,  worthless  region,  whose  only- 
products  were  icebergs  and  polar  bears,  where  the  ground 
was  frozen  six  feet  deep  from  year  to  year  and  all  the 
streams  were  glaciers.  It  was  called  "  Seward's  Polar  Bear 
Garden,"  and  the  administration  was  abused  without  limit  for 
the  alleged  folly  of  paying  $7,200,000  for  an  iceberg.  Mr.  Sum- 
ner, who  had  taken  a  great  interest  in  the  matter,  made  a 
speech  in  tbe  Senate,  which  was  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able ever  delivered  in  that  body.  From  the  moment  he 
decided  to  give  his  support  to  the  treaty  he  commenced  to 
study  the  condition  and  resources  of  Alaska  and  read  every- 
thing that  had  previously  been  published  concerning  the 
Russian  possessions  in  America.  The  treaty  was  ratified  by  a 
vote  of  37  yeas  to  2  nays,  the  latter  being  cast  by  Mr.  Fessen- 
den,  of  Maine,  and  Mr.  Morrill,  of  Vermont. 

A  public  proclamation  of  the  treaty  was  made  in  the  follow- 
ing June,  and  in  August  Major  General  Rousseau  of  the  United 
States  Army  was  appointed  officially  to  receive  Alaska  from 
the  Russian  government.  Although  the  funds  had  not  been 
appropriated  by  Congress,  Russia  imposed  perfect  confidence 
in  the  good  faith  of  the  United  States,  and  the  delivery  was 
made  without  waiting  for  the  payment  of  the  purchase  money. 
Embarking  from  San  Francisco  on  a  man-of-war,  General 
Rousseau,  with  General  Jefferson  C.  Davis  and  about  250 
troops,  went  to  Sitka,  where  the  Russian  garrison  received 
them  with  military  honors.  The  two  battalions  exchanged 
flags,  and  then  alternate  salutes  were  fired  from  tbe  American 
and  the  Russian  batteries.  The  troops  were  then  brought  to 
"  present  arms,"  and  the  Russian  banner  was  lowered  from 
the  flagstaff  on  the  top  of  the  garrison.  The  Russian  repre- 
sentative then  said  : 

"  General   Rousseau : — By   authority   of  his   majesty,    the 


216  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

emperor  of  all  the  Russias,  I  transfer  to  the  United  States 
all  right  and  title  to  the  territory  of  Alaska." 

General  Rousseau  replied  :  —  "By  authority  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States  I  accept  the  transfer." 

The  United  States  Hag  was  then  hoisted  above  the  barracks, 
and  the  ceremonies  ended  by  a  banquet  on  board  one  of  the 
men-of-war. 

Until  its  purchase  by  the  United  States  the  country  had 
always  been  known  upon  the  maps  and  in  published  volumes 
as  Russian  America,  and  while  the  treaty  was  pending  in 
the  Senate  there  were  frecment  discussions  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  cabinet  and  the  officials  of  the  State  Department 
as  to  the  name  that  should  be  bestowed  upon  the  new  terri- 
tory. Several  were  suggested  as  appropriate,  but  Mr.  Seward, 
with  whom  the  decision  rested,  preferred  Alaska,  which  was 
the  title  of  the  long  strip  of  land  that  extends  from  the  main 
territory  into  the  Bering  Sea.  At  the  next  session  of  Congress 
a  bill  was  introduced  to  appropriate  the  money  for  the  pay- 
ment provided  by  the  treaty,  and  on  the  27th  of  July,  1S6S, 
it  was  finally  passed,  whereupon  the  secretary  of  state  handed 
a  draft  for  $7,200,000  in  gold  to  the  Russian  minister. 


CHAPTEE  XVI. 

RELATIONS  WITH   ITALY. 

There  have  been  few  diplomatic  incidents  in  the  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Italy.  The  first  treaty  with 
any  of  the  Italian  nations  was  made  with  the  kingdom  of  the 
Two  Sicilies  in  1832  ;  the  next  with  the  kingdom  of  Sardinia 
in  1S38  ;  another  with  the  Two  Sicilies  in  1S45 ;  a  third  in 
1S54  ;  a  fourth  in  1S55  ;  a  treaty  of  friendship,  commerce,  and 
extradition  with  the  consolidated  kingdom  in  1S68,  and 
another  in  1871.  The  first  minister  was  sent  from  the  United 
States  to  the  Two  Sicilies  in  1816  ;  one  was  sent  to  the  king- 
dom of  Sardinia  in  18-10,  and  to  the  States  of  the  Church  in 
1846. 

During  the  years  1S09  to  1812,  when  Prince  Murat  was  king 
of  the  Two  Sicilies,  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  suf- 
fered much  damage  from  the  privateers  that  infested  the 
Mediterranean,  and  at  the  close  of  the  War  of  1812  our  govern- 
ment demanded  reparation  and  indemnity  for  the  losses  sus- 
tained. "William  Pinckney  was  sent  to  the  capital  as  a  com- 
missioner to  conduct  the  negotiations,  but  he  failed  to  accom- 
plish any  results  and  was  recalled.  The  claims  continued  to 
be  the  subject  of  correspondence  until  1832,  when  John  Nelson 
succeeded  in  making  a  treaty  under  which  the  government 
of  the  Two  Sicilies  agreed  to  pay  the  sum  of  2,115,000  ducats 
as  indemnity  for  the  destruction  of  vessels  and  cargoes.  This 
money  was  afterwards  distributed  by  a  commission  among 

217 


218  THE  UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN  POWERS. 

those  who  suffered  loss.  Similar  claims  were  afterwards  made 
against  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  were  collected  in  a  similar 
manner. 

Several  attempts  were  made  to  involve  the  United  States  in 
the  struggle  between  the  papal  church  and  the  kingdom  of 
Italy,  hut  Mr.  Fish,  who  was  secretary  of  state  under  Presi- 
dent Grant,  succeeded  in  preserving  a  strict  neutrality,  and, 
since  the  abolition  of  the  civil  authority  of  the  pope,  this 
government  has  had  no  official  intercourse  with  the  Vatican. 

The  most  serious  controversy  that  has  ever  occurred  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Italian  government  was  that  which 
arose  over  the  New  Orleans  massacre  in  1890. 

On  the  night  of  October  15,  1890,  David  C.  Hennessey,  chief 
of  police  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  was  murdered  in  the 
streets  of  that  city.  On  the  13th  of  December  following,  a  score 
of  Italians  were  indicted  for  direct  or  indirect  complicity  in 
the  crime.  About  the  middle  of  February,  1S91,  they  were 
arraigned  for  trial.  Nine  of  them  were  tried  separately.  On 
the  13th  of  March  three  of  the  prisoners  were  found  not  guilty 
and  in  the  cases  of  three  others  the  jury  failed  to  agree.  The 
verdict  was  universally  condemned  in  New  Orleans  as  unjust 
and  a  meeting  was  called  for  the  loth  of  March  to  consider 
means  for  the  vindication  of  the  law.  At  the  appointed  hour 
a  large  crowd  assembled  and,  proceeding  to  the  parish  prison, 
forced  an  entrance  and  shot  the  accused.  In  all  eleven  were 
killed,  the  six  who  had  been  tried  and  five  of  those  awaiting 
trial. 

On  the  4th  of  December  the  secretary  of  state  requested  the 
attorney  general  to  ascertain  whether  the  persons  indicted  for 
the  Hennessey  murder  were  citizens  of  Italy  or  of  the  United 
States.  On  the  20th  of  that  month  the  United  States  district 
attorney  at  New  Orleans  reported  that  of  the  persons  indicted 
a  majority  were  naturalized  citizens  of  the  United  States. 


BELATIONS  WITH  ITALY.  219 

On  the  15th  of  March,  1891,  Baron  Fava,  the  Italian  minister 
at  Washington,  informed  our  government  that  the  eleven 
prisoners  had  heen  murdered  hy  a  mob,  and  he  submitted 
a  dispatch  from  the  Marquis  di  Rudini,  Italian  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  at  Rome,  demanding  in  the  name  of  justice  and 
civilization  that  the  federal  administration  interfere  for  the 
protection  of  the  living  prisoners  and  the  other  members 
of  the  Italian  colony  in  New  Orleans.  Italy  demanded  also 
that  the  mob  and  those  who  inspired  it  be  speedily  brought  to 
justice. 

The  secretary  of  state  at  once  telegraphed  to  the  governor  of 
Louisiana  deploring  the  massacre  and  expressing  the  hope 
of  the  President  that  the  subjects  of  a  friendly  power  would 
be  furnished  adequate  protection,  and  that  the  leaders  of 
the  mob  would  be  promptly  brought  to  justice.  At  the  same 
time  a  telegram  was  sent  to  the  United  States  minister  at 
Rome  instructing  him  to  convey  to  the  Italian  government 
the  profound  horror  and  regret  of  the  President  and  to  give  as- 
surance that  every  possible  effort  would  be  made  to  protect 
Italian  subjects.  Several  dispatches  of  a  similar  character 
passed  between  Washington  and  Rome  on  the  following 
dates  : 

Governor  Nichols  on  the  16th  of  March  informed  the  sec- 
retary of  state  that  there  was  no  reason  to  apprehend  further 
trouble,  and  that  the  action  of  the  mob  was  directed  against 
individuals  and  not  against  their  race  or  nationality.  Copies 
of  the  correspondence  were  telegraphed  to  Rome. 

On  the  18th  of  March  Baron  Fava  handed  the  secretary 
of  state  a  long  statement  of  the  massacre  and  the  incidents 
that  preceded  it,  and  complained  that  the  local  authorities 
at  New  Orleans  had  been  guilty  of  neglect  of  their  duty.  He 
also  submitted  a  cablegram  from  the  Marquis  di  Rudini  direct- 
ing him  to  apply  for  indemnity,  as  a  declaration  of  regret 


220  Tin:  united  statics  and  foreign  powers. 

on  the  part  of  the  United  States  could  not  be  accepted  as 
reparation. 
On  the  21.st  of  March  Baron  Fava  repeated  the  demand 

and  submitted  a  cablegram  from  Budiui  insisting  upon  an 
official  assurance  from  the  government  of  the  United  States 
that  the  persona  guilty  of  the  massacre  had  been  brought 
to  justice.  He  also  insisted  upon  immediate  indemnity.  On 
the  same  date  Mr.  Blaine  called  upon  Baron  Fava  for  the 
names  and  condition  of  the  Italian  subjects  murdered  in  New- 
Orleans. 

On  the  24th  of  March  Baron  Fava  handed  Mr.  Blaine  a 
cablegram  from  Rudini  insisting  that  the  demand  of  the 
Italian  government  for  the  punishment  of  the  mob,  and 
indemnity  for  their  victims  must  be  complied  with  or  he 
would  be  under  the  painful  necessity  of  recalling  the  Italian 
minister  from  a  country  where  he  was  unable  to  obtain 
justice.  On  the  following  day  Rudini  telegraphed  :  "  I  can- 
not admit  further  delay."  On  the  same  day  Baron  Fava  sub- 
mitted a  statement  from  the  consul  at  New  Orleans  showing 
that  three  of  the  persons  murdered  were  citizens  of  Italy,  and 
that  six  had  only  declared  their  intention  to  be  naturalized. 
On  the  28th  of  March  Baron  Fava  sent  a  note  to  Mr.  Blaine 
by  his  secretary  requesting  an  immediate  answer  to  the 
demand  of  Rudini.  In  the  meantime  Mr.  Blaine  instructed 
the  United  States  minister  at  Borne  to  explain  to  the 
Italian  government  the  dual  character  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States  and  the  necessity  of  a  thorough  in- 
vestigation of  the  circumstances  of  the  massacre  before  a 
proper  answer  could  be  made  to  the  demands  of  Marquis  di 
Rudini. 

On  the  31st  of  March  Baron  Fava  again  called  the  attention 
of  Mr.  Blaine  to  the  demands  of  the  Italian  government,  and 
insisted  upon  the  assurance  (1)  that  the  guilty  parties  should 


RELATIONS  WITH  ITALY.  221 

be  punished  and  (2)  that  the  principle  that  indemnities  were 
due  to  the  families  of  the  victims  should  he  recognized  by  the 
United  States.  As  the  secretary  of  state  had  in  an  interview 
declined  to  give  this  assurance,  Baron  Fava  announced  his 
withdrawal  from  Washington  under  the  instructions  of  his 
government.  On  the  following  day  Mr.  Blaine  replied  to  this 
communication,  expressing  regret  at  the  departure  of  Baron 
Fava  for  which  he  was  unable  to  see  "adequate  reasons." 

Several  diplomatic  communications  followed,  in  which  the 
Italian  minister  reiterated  the  demands  of  his  government 
and  charged  the  United  States  with  not  showing  proper  vigor 
in  investigating  and  punishing  the  crime  under  discussion, 
while  our  secretary  of  state  replied  at  length  claiming  that 
everything  possible  had  been  done,  but  asserting  a  doubt 
about  Italy's  right  to  demand  indemnity.  These  documents 
were  characterized  on  both  sides  by  courteous  phrases, 
which,  however,  sometimes  bordered  on  acrimony,  and  for 
a  time  there  was  much  idle  talk  of  war  between  the  two 
countries.  The  fact  that  the  Italian  parliament  met  soon 
after  the  New  Orleans  affair,  probably  induced  the  ministry  to 
make  a  show  of  aggressiveness  and  vigor  not  cmite  necessary. 
When  it  seemed  clear  that  the  matter  could  not  be  imme- 
diately adjusted,  this  government,  following  the  example  of 
Italy,  granted  a  vacation  to  Minister  Porter.  Thus  diplomatic 
relations,  except  the  ordinary  routine  business,  were  sus- 
pended. 

Early  in  1S92  an  intimation  was  given  the  Italian  gov- 
ernment that  the  United  States  would  voluntarily  offer 
some  indemnity  for  the  massacre  of  its  subjects  at  New 
Orleans,  and  the  suggestion  was  received  with  the  greatest 
cordiality  by  Signor  Rudini.  After  a  brief  and  very  friendly 
correspondence  Mr.  Blaine  paid  $25,000  out  of  the  fund  appro- 
priated for  the  expense  of  conducting  diplomatic  negotiations 


222  THE  UNITED  STATICS  AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

to  be  divided  among  the  families  of  those  who  had  been 
killed.  The  Italian  government  expressed  its  satisfaction, 
and  its  legation  at  Washington,  which  had  been  left  vacant 
since  the  peremptory  recall  of  Baron  Fava,  was  again  filled  by 
his  reappointment  as  minister  to  the  United  States.  Ex- 
Governor  Porter,  of  Indiana,  who  had  been  minister  to  Italy, 
but  had  been  recalled  when  Baron  Fava  retired  from  Wash- 
ington, was  sent  back  to  his  post  at  Borne  and  the  friendly 
relation  between  the  two  governments  was  entirely  re- 
stored. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  EUROPEAN  POWERS. 

Germany. 
Prussia  was  the  fourth  power  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  the 
United  States,  yet  her  relations  with  this  country  extend  to 
the  very  beginning  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  The  king 
of  Prussia,  Frederick  the  Great,  was  in  his  old  age.  "When  he 
had  at  last  established  his  kingdom  on  a  firm  basis,  he  ex- 
erted himself  to  serve,  rather  than  to  rule  his  subjects.  Aus- 
tria and  Kaunitz  were  against  him ;  his  Russian  alliance 
seemed  transitory  and  he  had  not  the  real  friendship  of  any 
power  in  Europe.  Old  and  childless,  he  must  keep  up  until 
the  end  his  struggles  to  make  Prussia  a  permanent  political 
force.  On  him  alone  fell  the  burden  of  maintaining  Protestant 
freedom  and  preserving  the  independence  of  Prussia.  Fred- 
erick's ideas  of  government  were  very  liberal.  "The  most 
perfect  government,"  he  said,  "is  a  well  administered  mon- 
archy. But  then,  kingdoms  are  subjected  to  the  caprice  of  a 
single  man  whose  successors  will  have  no  common  character. 
A  good-for-nothing  prince  succeeds  an  ambitious  one ;  then 
follows  a  devotee  ;  then  a  warrior;  then  a  scholar;  then,  may- 
be, a  voluptuary  ;  and  the  genius  of  a  nation,  diverted  by  the 
variety  of  objects,  assumes  no  common  character.  But  repub- 
lics fulfill  more  promptly  the  design  of  their  institution,  and 
hold  out  better — for  good  kings  die,  wise  laws  aie  immortal." 
When  he  held  such  views  as  these,  it  is  with  little  surprise 

223 


224  THE   UNITED   STATES  AXD   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

that  one  hears  him  say:  "  The  treatment  of  the  American 
colonies  appears  to  me  to  be  the  first  step  toward  despotism. 
It  is  hard  to  proclaim  as  rebels  free  subjects  who  only  defend 
their  privileges  against  the  despotism  of  a  ministry."  But 
although  he  looked  with  favor  upon  the  revolt  of  the  colonies 
in  America,  the  future  of  Prussia  demanded  that  during  the 
war  of  the  Revolution  he  should  observe  the  strictest  neutral- 
ity. If  the  new  government  was  to  be  recognized,  some  other 
continental  government  must  take  the  initiative.  A  copy  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  sent  to  Frederick  by  the 
American  commissioners  at  Paris.  The  king  strongly  ap- 
proved of  the  manifesto  and,  while  he  refused  to  open  nego- 
tiations with  the  United  States,  he  gave  express  commands  to 
his  minister  at  London  "  to  do  nothing  which  could  offend  or 
wound  the  American  people." 

Arthur  Lee,  one  of  the  commissioners,  went  to  Berlin  in 
1777  but  no  notice  was  taken  of  him  officially.  During  Lee's 
stay  all  of  his  papers  were  stolen  by  a  servant  and  turned  over 
to  the  British  minister,  who  returned  them  the  next  day  ap- 
parently unopened.  There  was  evidence,  however,  to  show 
that  they  had  been  examined.  "When  Frederick  heard  of  the 
outrage  he  refused  to  receive  the  British  minister  and  wrote 
to  his  representative  at  London  :  "  The  English  should  blush 
for  shame  in  sending  such  ministers  to  foreign  courts." 

Lee  desired  that,  if  a  treaty  of  alliance  could  not  be  effected, 
at  least  the  port  of  Emden  on  the  German  Ocean  might  be 
opened  to  American  privateers.  This  Frederick  refused  for 
the  reason  that  Prussia  was  not  a  maritime  nation  and  could 
not  protect  her  interests  against  the  British.  "But,"  he 
wrote,  "if  the  American  colonics  maintain  their  independ- 
ence, a  direct  commerce  will,  of  course,  follow."  Although 
Emden  was  not  opened,  Frederick  finally  allowed  Dantzig  to 
be  used  as  an  asylum  for  our  cruisers.    When  he  had  done 


RELATIONS  WITH   OTHER  EUROPEAN   POWERS.  225 

this,  he  became  more  open  in  his  admiration  for  America.  He 
attempted  to  dissuade  the  German  princes  from  furnishing 
mercenaries  to  the  British  and  refused  to  allow  such  troops 
from  Hesse  to  pass  through  his  domains.  Following  this  re- 
fusal, he  gave  the  American  commissioners  the  greatest  facili- 
ties for  purchasing  arms  and  ammunition  in  Prussia,  and  thus 
opened  a  direct  way  for  a  treaty.  His  minister  wrote  in  Jan- 
uary, 1778,  to  the  commissioners  :  "  The  king  will  not  hesi- 
tate to  recognize  your  independence  when  France  shall  have 
given  the  example." 

Two  months  later  the  treaty  with  France  was  made  public. 
The  commissioners  who  expected  to  follow  up  their  French 
success  with  a  similar  victory  in  Prussia,  were  disappointed, 
for  Frederick,  menaced  on  every  side  and  threatened  by  the 
English  navy,  hesitated.  He  continued,  however,  to  express 
his  cordiality  toward  the  new  power,  and,  when  peace  with 
England  had  been  declared,  he  negotiated  a  treaty  similar  to 
those  existing  between  France  and  Holland  and  the  United 
States.  The  American  negotiators  were  Franklin,  Adams, 
and  Jefferson.  The  arrangement  was  an  admirable  conclusion 
to  the  work  of  Franklin,  who  then  ended  his  European 
career. 

This  treaty,  which  was  called  at  the  time  an  "  admirable 
abstraction,"  is  remarkable  for  its  provisions  ;  all  blockades 
were  to  be  abolished,  contrabands  were  not  to  be  subject  to 
confiscation,  and  privateering  was  condemned.  This  instru- 
ment expired  by  its  own  limitation  in  1796  and  a  new  treaty 
was  concluded  in  1799  (thirteen  years  after  Frederick's  death), 
in  which  the  provisions  just  noticed  were  omitted. 

Other  German  states  following  the  example  set  by  Prussia 
made  treaties  with  the  United  States.  In  1828  a  treaty  was 
proclaimed  by  the  Hanseatic  Republics,  headed  by  Hamburg 
aad  Bremen.    From  that  time  until  the  formation    of  the 


226  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

North  Confederation  in  1868,  treaties  were  made  with  nearly 
all  the  petty  German  states.  In  1S68  George  Bancroft  ar- 
ranged a  naturalization  treaty  with  the  Confederation.  He 
was  also  the  signer  of  the  convention  which  relates  to  the 
duties  of  consuls,  between  the  United  States  and  the  German 
Empire  in  1871,  soon  after  the  establishment  of  that  govern- 
ment. 

The  conflict  in  Samoa  in  1888  between  the  revolutionist 
Tamasese  and  the  reigning  king  Malietoa,  and  the  connection 
of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and  the  United  States  with  the 
affair  caused  a  sharp  correspondence.  Germany  had  for  sev- 
eral years  evinced  a  strong  desire  to  annex  the  Samoan  Islands 
and  for  that  end  she  was  ready  to  aid  the  revolutionists.  In 
18S4  she  had  drawn  up  a  treaty  with  Samoa  which  virtually 
gave  Germany  possession  of  the  islands.  This  treaty  was 
disallowed  by  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  and  was 
repudiated  by  Malietoa  as  having  been  extorted  by  threats. 
The  treaty  with  the  United  States  was  explicit  in  its  terms, 
one  of  which  is  as  follows:  "If  unhappily  any  difference 
should  have  arisen  or  shall  hereafter  arise,  between  the  Sa- 
moan government  and  any  other  government  in  amity  with 
the  United  States,  the  government  of  the  latter  will  employ 
its  good  offices  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  these  differences 
upon  a  satisfactory  and  a  solid  foundation." 

AVhen  the  Germans  took  sides  with  Tamasese  the  American 
consul,  in  conformity  as  he  thought  with  the  clause  of  the 
treaty  quoted  above,  raised  the  American  flag  in  protection 
of  the  Samoan  government,  in  order  that  a  conference  might 
adjust  the  difficulty.  Before  this  conference  could  be  held  the 
secretary  of  state  repudiated  the  action  of  the  consul. 

Germany  continued  her  policy  and  forced  Malietoa  to 
abdicate.  Ho  was  taken  as  a  prisoner  on  board  a  German 
man-of-war  and  late  in  1SS8  he  was  carried  to  Berlin.    Soon 


RELATIONS  WITH   OTHER  EUROPEAN  POWERS.  227 

after,  Germany  announced  to  the  United  States  that  she 
had  declared  war  on  Samoa.  Mr.  Bayard  replied  that  she 
had  no  right  to  do  this.  Bismarck  rejoined  that  he  regretted 
that  the  state  of  affairs  in  a  far-off  island  should  disturb 
the  friendly  relations  which  had  ever  existed  between  the 
United  States  and  the  German  Empire.  At  last  a  conference 
composed  of  representatives  from  the  three  powers  was 
appointed  to  attempt  pacific  adjustment  of  the  Samoan 
difficulty.  As  a  result,  a  general  act  was  agreed  to,  which 
guaranteed  the  neutrality  of  the  Samoan  Islands  and  settled 
matters  of  minor  importance. 

In  1883  the  Germans  laid  an  embargo  upon  American 
pork.  A  long  diplomatic  correspondence  on  this  subject 
followed  until  in  1891,  largely  through  the  exertions  of  our 
minister  at  Berlin,  Mr.  William  Walter  Phelps,  the  em- 
bargo was  raised  and  American  meats  were  admitted  into 
the  empire  subject  to  certain  inspection  which  the  German 
government  considered  necessary. 

The  same  year  a  reciprocity  treaty  was  negotiated  with 
Germany  under  which  all  food  products  and  many  manu- 
factured articles  of  the  United  States  are  admitted  into 
German  ports  at  a  rate  of  duty  less  than  is  imposed  upon 
the  same  articles  from  other  countries.  In  return  for  this 
concession  the  United  States  admits  free  into  her  ports  the 
beet  root  sugar  of  Germany. 

Austria. 

Commercial  intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  Aus- 
tria was  insignificant  during  the  early  years  of  this  century, 
and  the  Napoleonic  wars  discouraged  any  attempt  to  arrange  a 
treaty.  By  the  year  1829,  however,  trade  had  increased  to 
such  an  extent  that  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  navigation  was 
arranged.  It  went  into  effect  in  1831  and  has  been  twice 
extended. 


228  THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN'   POWERS. 

In  1S53  there  was  an  incident  in  which  the  United  States 
and  Austria  were  interested,  that  occasioned  wide  discussion 
;it  the  time  and  has  since  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  cases  in  international  law.  An  Austrian  subject, 
Martin  Koszta,  emigrated  to  the  United  States  and  declared 
his  intention  of  becoming  a  citizen  of  this  countrj'.  He 
had  been  implicated  In  the  unsuccessful  revolution  of  1848  but 
managed  to  escape  from  Austria  to  Turkey.  Here  he  was 
arrested  and  confined  but  ho  was  finally  liberated  upon  his 
promise  to  leave  Turkish  territory.  From  Turkey  he  went  to 
the  United  States,  where  he  resided  until  1853.  Then,  before 
the  term  of  years  necessary  for  his  naturalization  had  expired, 
he  went  to  Smyrna.  Here  the  American  consul  granted  him 
a  traveling  pass  which  entitled  him  to  the  protection  of  the 
United  States.  "While  at  Smyrna,  he  was  seized  by  several 
men  in  the  employ  of  the  Austrian  consul,  and  carried  out  into 
the  harbor,  where  an  Austrian  man-of-war  was  anchored. 
His  captors  threw  him  overboard.  He  was  rescued  by  the 
sailors  of  the  man-of-war,  taken  on  board  that  vessel,  and 
placed  in  confinement. 

The  American  consul  at  Smyrna  immediately  entered  a  pro- 
test against  this  action  and  reported  the  matter  to  the  Ameri- 
can minister  at  Constantinople,  who  directed  a  United  States 
steamer  to  proceed  to  Smyrna,  demand  the  release  of  Koszta, 
and,  if  necessary,  follow  up  the  demand  with  a  resort  to  force. 
In  order  to  avoid  a  conflict  and  all  that  might  ensue,  the 
French  consul  at  Smyrna  offered  his  mediation,  and  Koszta 
was  given  over  to  him  until  the  case  could  be  decided. 

After  a  diplomatic  warfare,  jurisdiction  over  Koszta  was  sur- 
rendered by  Austria  and  he  returned  to  the  United  States, 
with  the  understanding  that,  should  he  ever  again  be  on 
Turkish  territory,  Austria  could  proceed  against  him.  The 
reasons  for  the  decision  in  favor  of  the  United  States  were: 


RELATIONS  "WITH  OTHER  EUROPEAN  POWERS.  229 

First,  that  the  acts  of  the  Austrian,  officials  on  Turkish 
territory  were  an  insult  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  latter 
country  ;  and,  second,  that,  if  the  pass  granted  by  the  Ameri- 
can consul  was  correct,  he  was  entitled  to  the  protection 
which  is  accorded  all  American  citizens  in  Turkey.  If  Koszta 
was  not  entitled  to  the  pass,  Turkey,  and  not  Austria  was 
the  power  to  complain.  The  resort  to  force  to  gain  possession 
of  Koszta  was  contrary  to  the  principles  of  international 
law  but  the  action  was  justified  as  it  indicated  the  sovereignty 
of  Turkey. 

In  1870  the  United  States  and  Austria  concluded  a  naturali- 
zation treaty  and  two  years  later  a  correspondence  ensued  over 
the  citizenship  of  one  Francois  Heinrich,  who  was  born  in 
New  York  of  parents  who  were  Austrian  subjects  and  only 
temporarily  resident  in  this  country.  The  treaty  of  1870  re- 
quired that  a  five  years'  residence  was  necessary  for  naturali- 
zation. Heinrich's  parents  did  not  fulfill  this  stipulation  a3 
they  returned  to  Austria  before  the  allotted  time  had  elapsed. 
The  laws  of  the  two  countries  conflict  on  the  subject ;  the 
United  States  holding  that  a  man  is  a  citizen  if  born  within 
its  territory  ;  Austria,  on  the  contrary,  determines  a  man's 
nationality  by  that  of  his  parents. 

Heinrich  returned  to  Austria  with  his  parents  and  per- 
formed none  of  the  duties  of  an  Austrian  citizen,  but  accepted 
an  Austrian  passport.  In  1872  he  was  notified  that  he  must 
perform  service  in  the  Austrian  army.  He  refused  to  comply 
with  the  demand  and  asked  the  interference  of  the  United 
States  in  his  behalf.  Our  government  finally  refused  to  aid 
him  as  he  had  shown  by  his  long  residence  in  Austria  that  he 
intended  to  reside  there  permanently  and  his  allegiance  to  the 
Austrian  government  was  shown  by  his  willingness  to  travel 
under  one  of  its  passports. 

Besides  the  treaties  of   commerce  and  of   naturalization, 


230  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN    POWERS. 

there  have  been  proclaimed  by  the  two  countries,  two  treaties, 
on  extradition  (1856),  and  on  the  rights  of  consuls  (1870), 
besides  a  convention  relative  to  trade-marks. 

Holland. 

The  diplomatic  relations  between  the  United  States  and 
Holland  began  in  17S2  with  a  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce, entered  into  by  "  Their  High  Mightinesses,  the 
States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  the  United 
States  of  America."  While  the  United  States  were  British 
colonies,  all  European  countries  were  denied  the  right  of  trade 
with  them.  "When  the  bonds  of  the  mother  country  had  been 
thrown  off,  the  continental  powers  were  eager  to  share  Ameri- 
can commerce.  The  readiness  of  France  and  Holland  to  enter 
into  diplomatic  relations  with  the  young  country  was  ap- 
parent. In  177S  France  had  negotiated  a  treaty  with  Frank- 
lin, Deane,  and  Lee  for  the  States.  In  this  treaty,  however, 
France  instead  of  securing  a  monopoly,  obtained  merely  the 
right  of  trade  without  exclusive  advantages.  The  same 
general  idea  Avas  carried  out  four  years  later  in  the  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Netherlands.  Citizens 
of  the  United  States  were  to  have  the  same  privileges  in 
the  United  Netherlands  as  had  those  of  the  most  favored 
nation  ;  and  liberty  of  conscience  was  secured  to  the  citizens  of 
each  countiyr  in  the  other's  dominions.  This  last  clause, 
though  omitted  in  the  French  treaty,  occurs  in  treaties 
with   Sweden  and  Prussia. 

Although  the  Dutch  treaty  was  proclaimed  four  years 
later  than  that  with  France,  negotiations  had  begun  only 
eight  months  after  the  declaration  of  the  latter.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1778,  the  American  commissioners  at  Paris  were 
notified  that  as  soon  as  the  United  States  were  recognized 
by  the  English,  the  Burgomasters  of  Amsterdam  were  willing 
to  treat  "  concerning  the  most  extensive  reciprocal  advantages 


RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER  EUROPEAN  POWERS.  231 

in  relation  to  the  commerce  of  the  two  powers."  It  was 
suggested  that  the  treaty  recently  concluded  between  the 
United  States  and  France  be  used  as  a  basis,  "  changing 
only  those  provisions  which  cannot  be  applicable  to  the  re- 
public of  the  United  Netherlands." 

In  spite  of  emphatic  protests  on  the  part  of  England,  John 
Adams  conducted  the  negotiations  to  a  successful  issue.  The 
cumbersome  constitution  of  the  Netherlands  required  that 
the  treaty  should  receive  the  approval  of  each  of  the  leg- 
islative bodies  of  the  seven  provinces,  and  it  was  not  until 
late  in  April  that  Mr.  Adams  was  officially  received  as  a  min- 
ister. Three  months  afterwards  the  treaty  was  signed  and  a 
loan  to  the  United  States  of  five  million  guilders  ($2,000,000) 
secured. 

The  French  revolution  and  empire  so  disturbed  the  govern- 
ments of  Europe  that  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  by  which 
the  Netherlands  were  established  as  a  constitutional  mon- 
archy, that  country  claimed  the  right  to  abrogate  all  former 
treaties.  The  United  States  demurred  at  first  but  finally  ac- 
quiesced and  from  time  to  time  the  usual  treaties  and  conven- 
tions regarding  commerce,  the  rights  and  privileges  of  consuls, 
the  extradition  of  criminals  and  the  like  have  been  con- 
cluded. 

Belgium. 

Our  regular  diplomatic  relations  with  Belgium  began  in  1S45, 
at  which  time  was  negotiated  a  treaty  to  be  in  force  for  ten 
years.  In  this  treaty  freedom  of  commerce  and  navigation 
was  secured  to  vessels  of  the  United  States,  and  Belgium 
agreed  to  make  a  restitution  of  the  Scheldt  dues,  which  were 
levied  by  the  Netherlands  on  all  shipping  which  passed  up 
that  river.  As  there  was  some  delay  in  the  exchange  of  rati- 
fications, and  as  it  was  to  hold  for  one  year  in  addition  to  the 
ten  years'  limitation,  the  treaty  did  not  expire  until  late  in 


£32  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

1857.  On  the  twentieth  of  August  in  that  year,  the  secretary 
of  state,  Lewis  Cass,  was  notified  officially  that  the  Belgium 
government  wished  to  terminate  it,  the  next  year  a  new  con- 
vention was  negotiated,  with  approximately  the  same  pro- 
visions, which  was  to  hold  for  another  ten  years. 

But  the  dues  which  Holland  levied  upon  commerce  on  the 
Scheldt  were  obnoxious  and  out  of  conformity  with  the  prac- 
tices of  most  nations,  so  that  in  1SG3  a  treaty  was  entered  into 
by  the  United  States  and  Belgium  for  the  capitalization  of 
the  dues,  and  later  in  the  same  year  they  were  abolished. 
Since  that  time  eight  treaties  have  been  ratified  between  the 
United  States  and  Belgium,  on  the  subjects  of  naturalization, 
trade-marks,  consuls,  etc.,  and  in  1S75  a  new  treaty  of  com- 
merce and  navigation  was  drawn  up  and  ratified,  which  is 
still  in  force. 

Within  the  last  few  years,  however,  the  two  countries  have 
been  brought  more  closely  together  on  account  of  the  connec- 
tion of  each  power  with  the  Congo  Free  State,  whose  sover- 
eign is  the  king  of  the  Belgians,  and  the  discoverer  of  whose 
territory  was  an  American,  Henry  M.  Stanley.  This  relation 
is  described  fully  in  Chapter  XXII. 

Sweden. 

In  1782,  the  Swedish  minister  at  Paris,  by  the  direction  of 
his  sovereign,  Gustavus  III.,  called  on  Benjamin  Franklin  to 
inquire  about  the  desirability  of  a  treaty  between  the  two 
countries.  In  the  course  of  conversation  the  minister  re- 
marked that  it  was  a  pleasure  to  him  to  think,  and  he  hoped 
it  would  be  remembered,  "  that  Sweden  was  the  first  power  in 
Europe  which  had  voluntarily  and  without  solicitation  offered 
its  friendship  to  the  United  States."  Dr.  Franklin  informed 
Congress  of  the  application  by  Sweden  and  lie  was  empowered 
to  agree  on  a  treaty,  which  he  did,  April  3,  17S3.  The  pro- 
visions of   this  instrument  resembled  closely   those    of   the 


RELATIONS  WITH   OTHER  EUROPEAN   POWERS.  233 

Dutch  treaty  of  the  previous  year  and  its  validity  was  limited 

to  fifteen  years.     The  relations  between  the  two  countries 

have  ever  been  the  friendliest.     In  1S10  certain  claims  against 

Sweden,  concerning  the  spoliation  of  American  property  ,were 

adjusted  privately.    After  the  union  of  Sweden  and  Norway 

a  new  treaty  was  effected  (1827) ;  since  then  there  have  been 

two  treaties,    for   extradition    (1S60)    and  for   naturalization 

(1869). 

Denmark. 

The  United  States  has  had  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
Denmark  since  1779,  but  it  was  not  until  fifty  years  after 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  that  regular  diplomatic  re- 
lations began  and  ministers  were  accredited  from  one  country 
to  the  other.  In  1779  Benjamin  Franklin  remonstrated  to 
the  Danish  minister  of  foreign  affairs  at  Copenhagen  against 
the  seizure  of  American  vessels  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Den- 
mark. The  remonstrance  received  no  attention  at  the  time, 
but  when  later  troubles  of  a  similar  nature  arose,  the  Danish 
government  paid  indemnities. 

In  17S3  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  wrote  to  a  friend 
who  was  about  to  travel  in  France,  "  I  cannot  omit  recom- 
mending to  you  to  endeavor  during  your  stay  in  Paris  to  gain, 
as  much  as  possible,  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  Mr. 
Franklin.  We  are  persuaded  that  it  will  be  for  the  general 
interests  of  the  two  states  to  form,  as  soon  as  possible,  recipro- 
cal connections  of  friendship  and  commerce.  Nothing  would 
be  more  agreeable  to  us  than  to  learn  by  your  letters  that  you 
find  the  same  disposition  in  Mr.  Franklin." 

De  Waltensdorf,  to  whom  this  letter  was  written,  had  several 
conversations  with  Franklin,  and  they  agreed  that  a  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce  wovdd  be  very  desirable  for  both 
countries.  Congress  was  informed  of  the  negotiations  and 
was  asked  to  give  Franklin  the  necessary  power  to  conclude 


234 


THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 


a  treaty,  using  that  with  the  Netherlands  (concluded 
the  year  before)  as  a  model.  But  as  Denmark,  under 
pressure  from  England,  had  seized  three  American  vessels 
off  the  coast  of  Norway,  Congress  brought  the  negotiations  to 
a  close  and  the  matter  was  dropped. 

The  Napoleonic  wars  brought  the  United  States  into  col- 
lision with  Denmark  as  well  as  with  almost  all  the  other 
European  nations.  During  1S09  and  1S10  one  hundred  and 
sixty  American  vessels  were  seized  by  Denmark  and  many 
of  this  number  were  confiscated  on  the  ground  that  they  were 
really  English  sailing  under  false  colors.  After  the  usual 
diplomatic  contest  our  government  succeeded  in  securing 
an  indemnity  of  $l,7o0,000,  which  in  view  of  Denmark's 
diminished  resources  was  deemed  a  substantial  victory. 
The  favorable  settlement  of  these  claims,  which  has  ever 

since  been  considered 
a  masterpiece  of  diplo- 
macy, was  no  sooner 
accomplished  than  the 
United  States  set  about 
securing  the  abolition 
of  a  tax,  which  Den- 
mark, from  time  im- 
memorial, had  placed 
upon  all  shipping  pass- 
ing through  the  Sound 
connecting  the  Baltic 
and  the  North  Sea. 
These  taxes,  called 
"Sound  dues,"  are  mentioned  as  early  as  the  thirteenth 
century  and  they  were  tacitly  admitted  as  just  by  all 
of  the  maritime  powers  of  Europe.  The  treaty  of  Christia- 
nople   regulated  them  in  1G15  and  they   were   again  fixed 


U*  >A 


■to 

\  >,4jViifbec 


RELATIONS  "WITH    OTHER  EUROPEAN   POWERS.  235 

in  1701  and  continued  at  the  rate  agreed  upon  at  that 
time  until  the  early  part  of  this  century.  Denmark  claimed 
that  the  dues  were  levied  for  the  purpose  of  raising  money 
to  maintain  lights  and  buoys  as  aids  to  navigation  but 
more  probably  they  are  based  historically  on  a  quasi  feudal 
privilege  of  the  king  of  Denmark,  to  which  the  tolls  levied  by 
the  mediaeval  German  barons  might  be  compared.  The 
Sound  dues  formed  a  large  part  of  the  income  of  the  Dan- 
ish monarch,  and  in  1830  American  vessels  contributed  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  to  this  fund.  The  first  notice  taken 
by  the  United  States  of  the  imposition  occurs  in  the  treaty 
of  1826,  between  this  country  and  Denmark,  a  clause  of  which 
stipulated  that  American  vessels,  passing  through  the  Sound 
were  not  to  pay  higher  dues  than  those  paid  by  the  ships 
of  other  powers.  This  clause  shows  clearly  that  the  United 
States  recognized  Denmark's  right  to  levy  the  tolls  and  this 
view  continued  to  be  taken  by  the  United  States  until  1843, 
during  the  secretaryship  of  Mr.  Upshur,  who,  in  a  com- 
munication to  President  Tyler,  stated,  that  "  Denmark 
continues  to  this  day,  without  any  legal  title,  to  levy  ex- 
ceedingly strange  duties  on  all  goods  passing  through  the 
Sound.  She  cannot  lay  claims  to  these  duties  upon  any 
principle,  either  of  nature,  of  the  law  of  nations,  or  from  any 
other  reason  than  that  of  antiquated  custom.  .  .  .  For  the 
United  States  the  time  has  come  when  they  can  appropriately 
take  decisive  steps  to  free  their  Baltic  trade  of  this  pressure." 
In  1845  the  United  States  offered  to  give  Denmark  $250,000 
if  she  would  forever  exempt  American  vessels  from  Sound 
dues ;  the  sum  to  be  regarded  not  as  the  payment  of  a 
claim,  but  as  remuneration  for  the  maintenance  of  lights 
and  buoys.  Denmark  at  first  looked  favorably  at  the  proposi- 
tion but  hostilities  with  Germany  caused  a  suspension  of 
the  negotiations.    Eight  years  later  our  government  with- 


236  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

drew  its  offer  and  declared  that  the  United  States  were  no 
longer  willing  to  recognize  a  claim  based  upon  a  mediaeval 
custom,  and  announced  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty  of  1826- 
Denmark  realizing  that  her  ancient  privilege  was  in  peril, 
proposed  a  plan  to  all  nations  by  which  each  country 
sbould  pay  her  a  sum  proportionate  to  the  amount  of  mer- 
chandise passing  through  the  Sound.  The  European  states 
accepted  the  proposition,  which  took  the  form  of  a  treaty 
in  1857.  Soon  after,  the  United  States  made  a  similar  but 
separate  arrangement  by  which  the  payment  of  about  four 
hundred  thousand  dollars  secured  the  exemption  of  American 
shipping  from  the  obnoxious  dues. 

The  negotiations  between  the  United  States  and  Denmark 
over  the  cession  of  the  island  of  St.  Thomad  by  the  latter  have 
been  fully  described  in  Chapter  IX. 

Portugal. 

Early  in  Washington's  administration,  proposals  were  made 
for  a  treaty  with  Portugal,  in  order  to  gain  a  common  cause 
with  that  power  against  the  piratical  Barbary  States,  with 
whom  she,  as  well  as  the  United  States,  was  at  war.  Before 
these  transactions  took  place,  however,  Benjamin  Franklin 
had  written  to  Congress,  in  1783,  that  "  the  conclusion  of  the 
Portuguese  treaty  waits  only  for  the  commission  and  instruc- 
tions of  Congress."  Tbree  years  later  an  understanding  was 
reached  between  the  two  powers,  but  no  definite  treaty  was 
decided  upon. 

Beginning  in  1791,  regular  diplomatic  relations  were  sus- 
tained with  Portugal,  with  resident  ministers  accredited  from 
each  country  to  the  other.  In  1801,  however,  the  ministers 
were  recalled,  owing  to  the  general  disturbance  in  continental 
atl'airs,  and  no  regular  minister  was  sent  from  the  United 
States  to  Lisbon  until  1822. 

While  the  War  of  1812  was  in  progress,  a  conflict  took  place 


RELATIONS   WITH   OTHER  EUROPEAN   POWERS.  237 

in  the  harbor  of  Fayal,  in  the  Azores  Islands,  between  a 
British  man-of-war  and  an  American  privateer,  in  which  the 
latter  was  destroyed.  The  United  States  immediately  claimed 
damages  from  Portugal  as  being  responsible  for  the  violation 
of  the  neutrality  of  the  port.  Portugal  refused  to  award  dam- 
ages for  the  reason  that  the  American  vessel  had  gone  into 
battle  without  having  asked  the  protection  of  the  port. 

The  incident  gave  rise  to  a  correspondence  between  the 
two  powers,  which  lasted  from  1814  until  1851,  when  it  was 
agreed  to  refer  the  matter  for  settlement  to  some  foreign  ruler. 
Accordingly,  the  president  of  the  French  republic  (afterwards 
Napoleon  III.)  was  selected  as  a  referee  and  the  case  was  de- 
cided in  favor  of  Portugal.  The  conclusion  of  the  decision 
reads:  "The  government  of  his  most  faithful  majesty 
cannot  be  held  responsible  for  the  results  of  the  collision 
which  took  place  in  contempt  of  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  in 
violation  of  the  neutrality  of  her  territory,  and  without  the 
local  officers  having  been  required  in  proper  time  to  grant  aid 
and  protection  to  those  having  a  right  to  the  same.  There- 
fore, we  have  decided  that  the  claim  of  the  United  States  has 
no  foundation  and  no  indemnity  is  due  from  Portugal." 

This  is  the  only  controversy  of  importance  which  has  ever 
occurred  between  the  two  countries.  Two  treaties  have  been 
concluded  and  proclaimed ;  one  of  commerce  and  of  naviga- 
tion in  1840,  which  gave  reciprocal  rights  of  commerce,  regu- 
lated consulates,  and  decided  upon  the  proper  disposition  of 
deserters.  The  other  treaty  was  ratified  in  1851.  By  this  in- 
strument, the  claims  of  the  United  States  against  Portugal, 
as  described  above,  were  referred  to  a  foreign  arbitrator,  and 
certain  claims  of  American  citizens  against  the  Portuguese 
government  were  settled. 

The  government  of  Portugal,  however,  showed  its  good  will 
toward  the  United  States  by  surrendering  without  an  extradi- 


238  THE  UNITED  STATICS   AND   FOREIGN  POWERS. 

tion  treaty  the  person  of  William  M.  Tweed,  the  notorious 
politician  of  New  York,  who  fled  to  Lisbon  when  his  rascali- 
ties were  discovered.  He  sought  an  asylum  in  Portugal, 
knowing  that  there  was  no  extradition  treaty  between  that 
government  and  the  United  States,  but  when  his  presence 
there  was  discovered,  he  was  arrested  and  the  authorities  of- 
fered no  objection  to  his  removal  to  this  country. 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

RELATIONS  WITH   EASTERN    AND    MEDITERRANEAN    POWERS. 

Turkey. 

During  the  early  years  of  this  century  American  commerce 
iu  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  was  under  the  protection  of 
what  was  known  as  the  English  Levant  Company  and  no  at- 
tempt was  made  to  arrange  commercial  relations  with  Turkey 
on  a  treaty  basis  until  1817.  From  that  time  until  1830  vari- 
ous propositions  were  suggested  for  a  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Ottoman  Porte,  but  without  success. 
In  1830,  however,  President  Jackson  appointed  a  commission 
for  that  purpose.  This  commission  consisted  of  Commodore 
Biddle,  who  was  stationed  in  the  Mediterranean,  David 
Offley,  the  consul  at  Smyrna,  and  Charles  Rhind,  who  was 
directly  from  the  United  States.  In  order  to  keep  the  nego- 
tiations secret,  Rhind  proceeded  alone  to  Constantinople,  and 
drew  up  a  treaty.  When  this  had  been  done,  his  colleagues 
joined  him. 

This  treaty  gave  privileges  of  trade  equal  to  those  of  the 
most  favored  nations,  allowed  American  ships  passage  through 
the  Dardanelles,  and  agreed  upon  the  establishment  of  consul- 
ates in  both  countries. 

In  addition  to  these  provisions,  the  original  draft,  prepared 
by  Rhind,  contained  a  separate  and  secret  article,  which  pro- 
vided for  the  purchase  of  timber  by  Turkey  in  the  United 

239 


240 


TIIK    UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 


States  and  for  the  building  of  ships  in  this  country  by  the 
former.  Biddle  and  Offley,  on  arriving  at  Constantinople, 
disapproved  of  this  secret  article,  but  they  signed  the  treaty 

and    forwarded    it, 


toE  U   R   ONP    E   , 


"with  their  reasons 
for  ratifying,  to  the 
secretary  of  state. 
l^'^i  '^^le  Senate  ratified 
the  treaty,  but  re- 
jected the  separate 
article. 

The  original  draft 
of  the  treaty  was  in 
Turkish  and,  as  the 
comm  issioncr  s  were 
ignorant  of  the  lan- 
guagc,  complica- 
tions arose  as  to  its 
real  contents  and 
stipulations.  There 
were  four  different 


translations  sent  to  America ;  and  it  was  found  that  the  one 
considered  in  the  Senate,  and  subsequently  ratified  by  that 
body,  was  not  that  signed  by  the  commission. 

The  Turkish  government  complained  to  David  Porter  ,who 
had  been  sent  to  exchange  the  ratifications  at  Constantinople, 
that  the  original  translation  was  not  the  one  acted  upon  by 
the  Senate.  Porter  thereupon  signed  a  paper,  which  was  in 
Turkish,  pledging  that  the  United  States  would  abide  by  the 
stipulations  of  the  Turkish  original,  should  complications 
arise. 

However,  no  trouble  occurred  until  1S6S,  when  Turkish 
officers    arrested    and    imprisoned    two    American     citizens 


RELATIONS  WITH   EASTERN   POWERS.  241 

for  alleged  offenses  against  that  government.  The  United 
States  complained  that  such  actions  were  directly  contrary  to 
the  provisions  of  the  fourth  article  of  the  treaty  of  1830  ;  the 
last  part  of  which  reads,  in  the  Senate  version  :  "  Citizens  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  when  they  may  have  commit- 
ted some  offense,  shall  not  be  arrested  and  put  in  prison  by 
the  local  authorities,  but  shall  be  tried  by  their  ministers  or 
consuls  and  punished  according  to  their  offenses,  following,  in 
this  respect,  the  usage  observed  toward  other  Franks." 

The  Turkish  minister  for  foreign  affairs  replied  to  our  min- 
ister that  this  clause  was  incorrect  and  did  not  occur  in  the 
original  Turkish  document.  The  American  minister  then  re- 
quested several  officers  in  the  Russian  and  French  legations  to 
make  translations  from  the  original  draft,  and  none  of  these 
new  translations  contained  any  phrase  corresponding  to  that 
in  the  copy  sent  to  the  Senate. 

The  discussion,  in  regard  to  the  true  meaning  of  the  Turkish 
text,  raised  at  that  time,  is  still  unsettled  ;  but  this  one  clause 
seems  to  be  the  only  discrepancy  between  the  two  versions. 

Six  years  before  the  case  referred  to  occurred,  a  new  treaty 
of  commerce  was  negotiated,  which,  however,  did  not  abro- 
gate that  of  1830,  but  only  changed  some  of  its  minor  provi- 
sions and  said  nothing  concerning  the  extraterritorial  juris- 
diction of  American  consuls. 

The  treaty  of  1862  was  to  be  valid  for  twenty-eight  years, 
subject  to  termination  by  a  notice  to  be  given  one  year  before 
the  expiration  of  fourteen  or  twenty-one  years. 

In  1874  the  United  States  was  informed  that  the  Turkish 
government  intended  to  terminate  the  treaty.  The  reply  was 
made  that  this  government  could  not  receive,  in  advance  of 
more  than  one  year,  notice  of  such  a  desire.  When  the  proper 
time  arrived  for  the  notice  to  the  government,  Turkey  neg- 
lected to  send  it. 


242  THE  UNITED   STATES  AXD   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

The  matter  was  left  in  abeyance  and  the  treaty  held  until 
March  12,  1SS3,  when  notice  was  again  given  that  Turkey  de- 
sired to  abrogate  the  existing  convention  the  following  year. 

The  United  States  replied  that  such  a  notice  would  not  be 
in  order  until  June  5,  1883.  The  Turkish  government  acted 
again  as  it  had  done  in  1874,  and  the  proper  time  passed  with- 
out any  further  action  being  taken.  According  to  the  stipu- 
lation of  the  treaty,  if  notice  was  not  given  one  year  in  ad- 
vance of  the  expiration  of  the  twenty-first  year,  the  treaty 
was  to  be  binding  until  the  twenty-eighth  year. 

Turkey  refused  to  agree  with  the  United  States  that  a 
proper  notice  had  not  been  given  and  has  considered  the  treaty 
of  1862  as  abrogated  ever  since  June  5,  1884. 

To  show,  however,  the  good  feeling  of  that  government 
toward  the  United  States,  she  has  given  a  standing  invitation 
to  negotiate  a  new  treaty,  but  as  yet  the  offer  has  not  been  ac- 
cepted. Nevertheless,  American  commerce  has  ever  been 
treated  most  favorably  by  the  Turkish  government  and  the 
cordial  relations  between  the  two  powers  are  proverbial. 

Persia. 

Mohammed,  the  father  of  the  present  shah  of  Persia, 
Nasr-ed-Din,  was  a  prince  possessing  enlightened  views,  and 
he  desired  to  improve  the  condition  of  his  country.  England 
and  Russia,  now  so  opposed  in  their  Eastern  policy,  concurred 
in  securing  him  the  throne,  and  England  exerted  a  strong  in- 
fluence over  his  policy  throughout  his  whole  reign  from  1834 
to  1848.  Once,  in  the  war  with  Afghanistan  (183G-3S),  he 
proceeded  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  British  government, 
but  in  this  campaign,  and  particularly  in  the  siege  of  Herat, 
the  Persians  were  totally  unsuccessful.  From  the  end  of  this 
war  until  the  shah's  death,  England  and  France  attempted 
to  negotiate  commercial  treaties.  England  succeeded  in  doing 
so,  but  the  French  mission  was  for  a  long  time  unsuccessful. 


RELATIONS  WITH   EASTERN  POWERS. 


243 


Acting  upon  English  success,  and  observing  the  increasing 
trade  between  the  United  States  and  Persia,  Secretary  of  State 
Marcy  instructed  our  minister  to  Turkey,  Carroll  Spence,  to 
arrange  with  Persia  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  commerce, 
which  he  did,  December  13,  1856.  The  ratifications  were  ex- 
changed at  Con- 
stantinople and 
the  treaty  was 
proclaimed  in 
August,  1857.  Of 
all  the  treaties  ar- 
ranged with  East- 
ern powers,  the 
one  with  Persia 
exhibits  the  most 
Oriental  character 
in  its  opening 
sentences  ;  i  t  i  s 
contracted  by 
"  The  President  of 
the  United  States 
of  America  and 
His  Majesty  as  exalted  as  the  Planet  Saturn  ;  the  sovereign  to 
whom  the  sun  serves  as  a  standard  ;  whose  splendor  and  mag- 
nificence are  equal  to  that  of  the  skies,  the  Sublime  Sover- 
eign, the  Monarch  whose  armies  are  as  numerous  as  the  stars." 

Following  the  negotiations  of  the  treaty,  Secretary  Marcy 
sent  a  communication  to  Congress  requesting  an  appropriation 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  legation  at  Teheran.  The  House 
voted  a  specified  amount  for  the  yearly  salary  of  the  minister 
and  corresponding  sums  for  the  other  officers.  The  relations 
between  the  two  countries  have  always  been  cordial  and  no 
complications  of  any  importance  have  ever  arisen. 


244  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

TJie  Barbary  States. 

During  the  early  part  of  this  century  what  were  called 
the  Barbary  States— Morocco,  Algeria,  and  Tripoli— lying 
along  the  north  coast  of  Africa,  made  a  business  of  piracy,  and 
were  known  as  the  "piratical  nations."  They  had  a  fleet 
of  swift -sailing  ships,  commanded  and  manned  by  cutthroats, 
who  watched  the  straits  of  Gibraltar  to  seize,  plunder,  and 
burn  merchant  vessels,  and  hold  their  crews  for  ransom  or  sell 
them  for  slaves.  They  often  pursued  vessels  even  into  the 
Atlantic.  Navigation  upon  the  Mediterranean  in  those  days 
was  therefore  attended  with  the  greatest  perils.  The  great 
French  dramatist  Regnard  was  once  captured  and  served 
for  seven  years  as  a  slave  in  Algiers  ;  Jacob  Leisler,  afterwards 
governor  of  New  York,  served  four  years  as  a  slave  in  Mo- 
rocco ;  and  Cervantes,  the  Spanish  author  of  Don  Quixote, 
was  held  for  five  years  as  a  captive  before  he  was  ran- 
somed. 

Some  of  the  European  nations,  in  order  to  protect  their 
commerce,  paid  large  sums  annually  to  the  dey  of  Morocco 
and  the  dey  of  Algiers  in  the  form  of  a  bounty.  France,  by  a 
formal  treaty  in  1788,  agreed  to  pay  $200,000  each  year  for 
ten  years,  besides  giving  presents  to  the  principal  officials 
of  the  two  countries,  and  in  ten  years,  from  1700  to  1800, 
Spain  is  variously  estimated  to  have  paid  from  three  to  five 
millions  of  dollars  in  blackmail  for  the  same  purpose.  Eng- 
land paid  an  annual  tribute  of  $2S0,000  ;  while  other  countries 
were  in  the  habit  of  keeping  agents  at  Tunis  and  other  places 
for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  release  of  any  of  their  subjects 
that  might  be  captured  by  the  payment  of  ransom  at  so  much 
per  capita.  From  1786  to  1790  the  price  of  ransom  ranged 
from  $1,200  to  $3,000  per  man  ;  and  from  1790  to  1800  it  ranged 
from  $500  to  $3,000. 

Before  the  war  of  the  Revolution  the  United  States  had 


RELATIONS  WITH   EASTERN  POWERS.  245 

a  large  commerce  with  the  ports  of  the  Mediterranean,  em- 
ploying about  one  thousand  vessels  and  twelve  thousand 
seamen.  The  vessels  were  protected  by  Great  Britain  as  long 
as  the  states  were  colonies  of  that  government,  but  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  in  1783,  when  trade  began  to  revive,  the 
rulers  of  the  Barbary  powers  began  a  concerted  and  deter- 
mined attack  upon  shipping  that  carried  the  flag  of  a  new 
nation  that  paid  them  no  tribute.  Several  ships  were  cap- 
tured and  burned,  and  the  masters  and  men  sold  into  slavery. 
Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  then  minister  to  France,  was  in- 
structed to  make  an  investigation  and  endeavor  to  secure 
their  release.  He  succeeded  in  rescuing  the  crew  of  one 
vessel  through  the  good  offices  of  the  Spanish  government, 
but  in  his  report  to  the  President  said:  "It  rests  with 
Congress  to  decide  between  war,  tribute,  or  ransom  as  the 
means  of  re-establishing  our  Mediterranean  commerce." 

In  1784  Congress  authorized  Dr.  Franklin,  John  Adams, 
and  Mr.  Jefferson  to  make  a  treaty  with  the  Barbary  States, 
and  they  carried  on  negotiations  with  an  agent  who  was 
sent  to  Paris  to  confer  with  them.  But  he  demanded  about 
$1,500,000  as  blackmail  for  his  sovereign  and  $50,000  for 
himself,  which  the  commissioners  refused  to  pay.  Thomas 
Barclay  was  then  sent  to  Morocco  to  deal  directly  with  the 
dey,  and  made  a  treaty  with  him,  under  which  he  agreed 
to  let  American  ships  alone  if  the  United  States  would  give 
him  a  hundred  cannon.  These  were  sent  and  cost  but  $9,000. 
But  the  treaty  was  very  soon  terminated  by  the  death  of 
the  dey,  whose  son  and  successor  refused  to  renew  it  with- 
out the  payment  of  tribute. 

John  Lamb,  who  was  sent  to  Algiers  on  a  similar  mis- 
sion, failed  entirely  in  his  negotiations  and,  very  shortly  after, 
Richard  O'Brien  was  dispatched  to  see  what  he  could 
accomplish.    Of  this  remarkable,  but  appropriate  diplomatist, 


240  THE   UNITED   STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

Mr.  Adams  wrote :  "  O'Brien  is  an  old  Irishman,  who 
was  once  consul  general  at  Algiers  chiefly  because  he  had 
been  for  nine  or  ten  years  a  slave  there.  lie  -was  the  master  of 
a  vessel,  and  is  an  exact  copy  of  one  of  Smollett's  novel 
sailors.  His  discourse  is  patched  up  entirely  of  sea  phrases, 
and  he  prides  himself  upon  nothing  so  much  as  his  lan- 
guage." 

The  dey  of  Algiers  received  O'Brien  politely,  told  him 
he  had  heard  of  General  Washington,  and  wanted  a  full 
length  portrait  of  him  to  hang  in  his  palace,  but  this  admira- 
tion did  not  diminish  his  desire  for  money,  as  he  demanded 
$6,000  ransom  for  each  sea  captain  captured,  $4,000  each  for 
mates,  and  §1,400  each  for  ordinary  seamen,  with  eleven 
per  cent  bonus  on  the  total  amount.  This  proposition  was 
rejected,  and  O'Brien  returned  to  Paris. 

Mr.  Jefferson  then  appealed  to  the  Holy  Order  of  St.  Mathu- 
rin  at  Faris,  a  religious  society  organized  in  1199  for  the 
purpose  of  rescuing  Christians  captured  by  the  infidels.  The 
captain  general  of  this  order  offered  to  undertake  the  rescue  of 
the  Americans  then  held  in  captivity,  but  required  that 
the  utmost  secrecy  should  be  observed  in  order  that  the 
Algerians  should  not  know  that  the  society  was  acting 
in  behalf  of  the  United  States  government.  He  had  ran- 
somed only  one  person,  however,  when  the  French  revolution 
occurred,  and  all  religious  orders  in  France  were  abolished. 

Paul  Jones,  the  famous  sailor,  was  authorized  by  Congress 
to  undertake  the  work  of  rescue,  but  he  died  before  he  had 
accomplished  his  mission.  David  Humphreys,  the  Ameri- 
can minister  at  Lisbon,  was  next  selected  to  perform  the 
delicate  duty,  and  $S00,000  was  placed  at  his  disposition, 
but  he  failed,  and  during  the  next  few  months  ten  more 
vessels  were  captured  by  the  Algerian  pirates  and  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  American  sailors  were  sold  as  slaves.      , 


RELATIONS  WITH   EASTERN   POWERS.  247 

Congress  then  passed  an  act  authorizing  the  President  to 
employ  a  sufficient  naval  force  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  on  the  Mediterranean,  and  orders  were  given 
for  the  construction  of  six  frigates  and  ten  smaller  vessels 
of  war.  But  before  they  were  completed  an  arrangement  was 
entered  into  with  a  firm  of  Jewish  bankers  in  Paris,  who 
assisted  in  securing  a  treaty  with  Algiers  under  which  the 
protection  of  American  commerce  was  guaranteed.  It  cost 
$992,463.25  to  fulfill  this  treaty.  The  sum  of  $642,500  was  paid 
in  cash  to  the  dey  of  Algiers  ;  he  was  presented  with  a  frigate 
of  thirty-six  guns ;  the  United  States  agreed  to  furnish 
him  $21,600  annually  in  naval  stores,  besides  $20,000  annually 
in  cash,  and  $17,000  annually  in  presents  to  his  officials.  In 
1798,  the  government  having  failed  to  pay  the  annuities, 
four  armed  vessels  were  presented  to  the  dey  instead. 

A  similar  treaty  was  made  with  the  bashaw  of  Tripoli 
by  Joel  Barlow,  the  poet ;  and  he  made  another  with  the  bey 
of  Tunis,  which  cost  $107,000,  and  a  quantity  of  jewelry  as 
presents.  The  whole  cost  of  purchasing  protection  for  Ameri- 
can ships  in  this  form  of  blackmail  was  over  $2,000,000  ;  and  it 
amounted  to  nothing  as  within  two  years  the  bashaw  of 
Tripoli  became  dissatisfied  because  he  had  not  been  paid 
as  much  as  the  dey  of  Algiers,  and  declared  war  against 
the  United  States.  A  fleet  of  ships  under  the  command 
of  Commodore  Decatur  was  sent  to  Tripoli,  and  active  hostili- 
ties were  carried  on  until  Tobias  Lear,  who  had  been  private 
secretary  to  Washington,  negotiated  a  treaty  of  peace  and  paid 
a  bounty  of  $60,000  as  ransom  for  American  captives. 

There  was  immediate  trouble  with  Algiers,  also,  which  con- 
tinued through  the  War  of  1812,  until  it  was  terminated  by 
the  very  prompt  action  of  Commodore  Decatur,  who  declined 
to  pay  blackmail  in  any  form,  and  threatened  to  bombard  the 
capital  unless  the  American  captives  were  released.      The  dey 


2 IS  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

asked  three  hours  to  consider,  but  Commodore  Decatur  re- 
plied:  "Not  one  minute."  Through  the  mediation  of  the 
Swedish  consul  the  captives  were  released,  and  a  treaty 
was  signed  under  which  tribute  was  abolished,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  American  sailors  should  not  be  made  slaves. 

Decatur  then  proceeded  to  Tunis  and  instead  of  offering 
ransom  demanded  an  indemnity  of  $40,000  for  two  vessels  that 
had  been  captured.  The  dey  looked  at  the  commodore's  fleet 
through  the  windows  of  his  palace,  combed  his  beard  for  a 
few  moments  with  a  tortoise-shell  comb  heavily  set  with 
diamonds,  and  saying  "I  know  this  admiral,"  ordered  the 
money  to  be  paid  at  once. 

A  similar  scene  occurred  shortly  after  at  Tripoli,  when  the 
bashaw,  in  response  to  Decatur's  demands,  paid  $25,000  as 
indemnity  for  two  American  ships,  and  released  the  prisoners. 

The  summary  action  of  Commodore  Decatur  and  its  result 
attracted  the  attention  of  all  Europe,  and  the  several  nations 
which  had  been  paying  tribute  soon  after  united  to  suppress 
the  Barbary  pirates.  The  United  States  was  the  first  govern- 
ment to  defy  them,  and  set  the  example  for  Europe,  but  the 
expenditures  in  tributes  alone,  not  including  the  cost  of 
the  naval  operations,  reached  a  total  of  $2,650,709  before  these 
bandits  were  taught  to  observe  the  principles  of  civilization. 
The  Egyptian  Mixed  Tribunals. 

The  methods  of  judicial  procedure  in  the  Oriental  countries 
differing  so  widely  from  that  in  use  in  the  United  States, 
this  government  in  its  first  treaty  negotiations  with  those 
countries  obtained  their  consent  to  vest  American  ministers 
and  consuls  with  power  to  act  in  controversies  affecting  the 
property  rights  of  our  citizens.  The  criminal  jurisdiction  was 
also  obtained,  as  the  punishments  inflicted  by  the  laws  of 
those  countries  were  not  in  harmony  with  our  own,  bastinado- 
ing and  excessive  fines  being  quite  common  penalties. 


RELATIONS  WITH  EASTERN  POWERS.  249 

In  1860  a  law  was  passed  conferring  judicial  powers  upon  the 
ministers  and  consuls  in  China,  Japan,  Siam,  Persia,  and 
Turkey.  This  law  remained  in  force  in  respect  to  Egypt  until 
the  organization  of  the  Mixed  Tribunals  of  Alexandria  and 
Cairo.  There  were  so  many  foreigners  residing  in  Egypt, 
brought  thither  by  the  work  on  the  Suez  Canal  and  the 
extended  commerce  growing  out  of  its  navigation,  that  in- 
numerable questions  requiring  settlement  by  lawsuits  arose. 
Different  nationalities  being  often  represented  in  these  con- 
troversies, resort  was  had  to  their  respective  consuls  and  great 
confusion  naturally  ensued. 

The  khedive,  desiring  that  his  government  should  be 
recognized  as  among  the  civilized  countries,  submitted  plans 
for  the  settlement  of  these  suits,  and  in  1873  there  were  estab- 
lished at  Alexandria  a  Court  of  Appeals,  and  three  inferior 
tribunals  of  first  instance  at  Alexandria,  Cairo,  and  Zagazig. 
These  courts  were  composed  of  foreign  and  native  judges,  and 
were  so  arranged  that  the  foreigners  should  have  a  majority  in 
each  court. 

To  these  courts  all  questions  in  civil  and  commercial  matters 
affecting  our  citizens  residing  in  Egypt  come  for  trial,  whether 
the  controversies  are  between  them  and  natives  or  with 
citizens  of  other  countries.  Upon  receipt  of  the  notification 
that  these  courts  were  organized  the  President  issued,  October 
29,  1874,  a  proclamation  suspending  the  consular  functions 
in  these  matters,  being  authorized  so  to  do  by  the  act  of 
March  23,  of  the  same  year. 

There  is  an  American  judge  in  both  courts  of  first  instance 
at  Cairo  and  Alexandria,  and  one  on  the  bench  of  the  Court  of 
Appeals  in  Alexandria.  These  judges  are  appointed  by  the 
khedive  upon  the  nomination  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  and  receive  salaries  of  about  $5,000  a  year.  The  pro- 
ceedings  before   these   courts   are  of  a   very   novel  nature 


250  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

owing  to  the  variety  of  nationalities  represented.  The  judg- 
ments are  delivered  In  French,  but  the  testimony  is  given 
in  almost  every  language  In  the  world,  while  the  pleadings 
and  arguments  depend  upon  the  nationality  of  the  counsel 
employed. 

The  government  has  not  heen  willing  to  relinquish  its 
Jurisdiction  over  our  citizens  accused  of  crimes  in  Egypt, 
and  it  is  still  the  duty  of  our  consular  officers  to  make  the 
necessary  investigations  and  punish  offenders. 


CHAPTEE  XIX. 

RELATIONS    WITH    CHINA. 

In  the  sixteenth  century  China  claimed  Malacca  as  a  vassal 
state.  In  the  year  1510  it  was  attacked  by  some  Portuguese 
pirates,  who  carried  away  a  great  booty.  This  was  the  first 
experience  of  the  Chinese  with  the  maritime  powers  of  the 
West.  From  Malacca,  Raphael  Perestralo  sailed  to  visit  the 
coast  of  China,  of  which  he  had  heard.  A  few  years  later 
another  Portuguese,  Ferdinand  Andrada,  found  his  way  with 
his  ship  to  Canton,  and  sent  an  envoy,  Thomas  Perez,  to  the 
emperor  at  Peking.  He  was  well  received,  accorded  the  privi- 
lege to  trade,  and  returned  to  Canton.  But  another  Portuguese 
piratical  squadron  appeared  off  the  coast  and  committed  dep- 
redations which  led  to  the  execution  of  Andrada  and  Perez, 
in  1523.  Such  was  the  beginning  of  foreign  intercourse  with 
China. 

The  Russians  and  the  Dutch  established  resident  embassies 
at  Peking  as  early  as  1656.  The  latter  were  specially  permit- 
ted to  bring  "tribute"  and  to  send  a  trading  ship  to  China 
once  in  eight  years.  This  restriction  upon  trade  was  due  to 
the  generous  consideration  of  the  emperor,  who  feared  that 
the  boisterous  winds  might  wreck  the  Dutch  ships  and  cause 
him  great  sorrow,  if  he  allowed  them  to  come  more  fre- 
quently. 

Since  that  time  ambassadors  from  different  European  courts 

251 


252  THE   UNITED  STATES   A.VD  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

have  visited  Pi-king  with  various  experiences,  but  it  is  a  ques- 
tion even  to-day  whether  there  is  not,  among  the  Chinese 
officials,  beneath  all  the  elaborate  courtesies  of  formal  diplo- 
matic intercourse,  ;i  feeling  of  the  infinite  superiority  of  China 
over  all  other  nations  in  greatness,  power,  and  culture,  and 
a  disposition  to  regard  or  to  represent  to  the  people  all  foreign 
ministers  as  bearers  of  tribute  to  the  Dragon  throne. 

The  history  of  the  relations  between  China  and  the  nations 
of  the  Western  world  is  full  of  strange  incidents  inexplicable 
even  to-day.  It  is  impossible  for  one  of  us  to  think  as  a 
Chinese  thinks,  or  spontaneously  to  follow  the  strange  course 
of  reasoning  which  frequently'  leads  him  to  most  unexpected 
and  astonishing  conclusions.  We  should  clearly  recognize 
the  fact  that  it  was  in  response  to  a  demand  enforced  b}r  the 
conquest  of  allied  armies,  that  the  great  empire  was  eventu- 
ally opened  to  foreign  trade  and  official  intercourse,  in  entire 
disregard  of  the  traditions  and  prejudices  of  the  people  and 
their  rulers.  The  difficulties  to  be  overcome  were  extraor- 
dinary. But  China  was  too  rich  and  productive  a  country  to 
be  neglected.  Foreigners  had  already  enjoyed  the  fruits  of 
profitable  trade  at  Canton  for  more  than  a  century,  but  under 
conditions  of  ignominy  and  restraint  which  could  not  be  in- 
definitely tolerated.  So  long  as  the  Chinese  had  to  deal  with 
private  traders  alone,  they  could  enforce  such  rules  and  re- 
strictions as  they  pleased  ;  but  with  the  expiration  of  the 
charter  of  the  great  East  India  Company,  in  1S34,  the  traders 
became  no  longer  members  of  a  chartered  company,  but  sub- 
jects of  foreign  powers,  which  was  a  very  different  matter. 

But  the  Chinese  government  had  always  held  itself  high 
and  mighty  over  all  other  powers.  This  was  not  a  mere  con- 
e<  it,  to  be  eradicated  by  an  appeal  to  force  and  a  crushing 
defeat  of  its  brave  but  inefficient  armies.  It  was,  and  still  is, 
an  inborn  element  of  national  faith,  a  belief  fostered  by  cen- 


RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA.  253 

turies  of  intercourse  and  war  with  the  uncivilized  and  far  in- 
ferior peoples  with  whom  the  Chinese  came  into  relations 
from  time  to  time,  a  part  of  the  education  of  every  child  from 
the  cradle.  It  is,  therefore,  not  unnatural  that  the  educated 
people,  the  high  officials  of  the  land,  owing  to  the  limitations 
of  their  knowledge  and  their  inadequate  conceptions  of  the 
outer  world  and  its  inhabitants,  should  assume  an  arrogance 
and  supremacy  toward  all  foreign  nations,  and  erect  barriers  of 
exclusiveness  which  required  to  be  broken  down  before  busi- 
ness could  be  permanently  established,  or  the  safety  of  foreign 
life  and  property  assured. 

In  the  early  days  of  foreign  trade  all  business  was  trans- 
acted at  Canton  with  certain  Hong  merchants,  who  alone 
wrere  permitted  to  deal  with  foreigners.  There  was  no  com- 
munication between  the  foreigners  and  the  local  or  government 
officials  except  through  the  Hong  merchants,  and  even  after 
the  appointment  of  foreign  consular  officers  the  Canton 
officials  gave  but  little  heed  to  their  presence  or  represen- 
tations. 

The  American  flag  first  appeared  at  Canton  in  1784  on  the 
ship  Empress  of  China.  Trade  with  the  Portuguese  had  then 
been  maintained  for  nearly  three  centuries,  since  they  had  es- 
tablished themselves  at  Macao.  The  Dutch  formed  a  settle- 
ment on  Formosa  in  1624.  British  trade  at  Canton  dates  from 
about  1637. 

In  the  year  1790,  President  George  Washington  appointed 
Samuel  Shaw  as  consul  of  the  United  States  at  Canton.  Our 
interests  in  China  were  then  considerable,  but  as  an  illustration 
of  the  disregard  of  foreign  representatives  manifested  by  the 
Chinese  officials  in  those  days,  the  following  instance  may  be 
cited  :  An  American  sailor  was  accused  of  the  murder  of  a 
Chinese  woman.  Doubtless  he  was  guilty,  but  the  consul 
wa9  unable  to  secure  him  a  proper  trial.    He  was  tried  by  a 


254  THE   UNITED  STATICS  AND  FOREIGN   POWEES. 

court  from  which  the  consul  was  excluded,   and  finally  ex- 
ecuted  by  the  viceroy's  order. 

To  break  down  the  barriers  of  Chinese  arrogance  and  ex- 
clusiveness  doubtless  required  sooner  or  later  an  appeal  to 
arms  ;  but  we  may  well  deplore  that  such  unjust  and  inade- 
quate causes  as  led  to  the  opium  war,  conducted  by  England 
in  behalf  of  merchants  engaged  in  an  illegal  trade,  should 
have  been  the  active  means  of  introducing  to  China  the  civ- 
ilization and  morality  of  the  "West.  The  emperor  Keen 
Lung,  one  of  the  truly  great  and  wise  rulers  of  the  present 
dynasty,  prohibited  the  importation  of  opium.  In  1796  and 
1800  more  stringent  laws  were  passed  to  stop  the  trade.  But 
it  was  worth  a  million  of  pounds  sterling  a  year  to  British 
traders !  Two  Chinese  convicted  of  dealing  in  it  were  ex- 
ecuted in  front  of  the  British  factories,  as  an  earnest  of  the 
determination  of  the  authorities  to  stop  the  trade.  But  it 
was  of  no  avail.  The  trade  was  illegal,  every  pound  of  opium 
was  smuggled  into  the  country  in  direct  violation  of  the  laws 
of  the  empire,  yet  the  authorities  were  powerless  to  stop  it. 

In  1839  the  imperial  commissioner  Lin  was  sent  to  Canton 
with  full  authority  to  stop  the  trade  as  best  he  could.  He 
demanded  that  all  opium  in  the  hands  of  foreign  merchants 
should  be  delivered  to  him,  and  enforced  this  demand  by 
stopping  all  trade  until  it  was  done.  More  than  20,000  chests 
were  delivered  into  his  hands.  The  entire  quantity  was  de- 
stroyed. An  American  merchant  who  witnessed  the  destruc- 
tion was  astonished  "  that  while  Christian  governments 
were  growing  and  farming  this  deleterious  drug,  this  pagan 
monarch  should  nobly  disdain  to  enrich  his  treasury  with  a 
sale  which  could  not  fall  short  of  820,000,000." 

After  this,  trade  was  resumed  and  opium  smuggling  went 
on  as  before.  In  1840  the  English  were  declared  to  be  out- 
laws, and  their  trade  was  stopped.     The  English  then,  regard- 


RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA.  255 

less  of  a  strong  protest  from  the  United  States  consul, 
declared  a  blockade  of  the  river  and  port  of  Canton  on  the 
28th  of  January,  1840.  This  was  the  beginning  of  active 
hostilities  against  the  Chinese.  The  city  of  Canton  was  bom- 
barded and  captured.  This  glorious  feat  of  arms  was  unneces- 
sary and  of  no  practical  benefit ;  unless  it  be  regarded,  as  one 
British  author  has  declared  it,  as  retribution  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  opium.  As  a  result  of  this  great  conquest  of  British 
arms  over  matchlocks  and  culverins,  the  treaty  of  Nanking 
was  signed,  which  accorded  privileges  of  residence  to  British 
subjects  at  Canton,  Amoy,  Shanghai,  Foochow,  and  Ningpo, 
ceded  the  island  of  Hong-Kong  to  the  crown,  and  bound  the 
Chinese  government  to  pay  an  enormous  indemnity  for  the 
opium  so  justly  destroyed — opium  which  was  contraband  and 
liable  to  confiscation  under  the  laws  of  all  civilized  countries. 
This  treaty  led  to  the  opening  of  diplomatic  relations  between 
China  and  the  United  States.  President  Tyler  alluded  to  its 
provisions  in  his  message  to  Congress  in  December,  1842,  and 
at  the  same  time  referred  to  the  importance  of  our  commercial 
relations  with  China.  They  require,  he  said,  "  at  the  present 
moment,  a  degree  of  attention  and  vigilance  such  as  there 
is  no  agent  of  this  government  on  the  spot  to  bestow."  He 
recommended  the  appointment  of  a  commissioner  to  exercise 
watchful  care  over  the  concerns  of  American  citizens,  the  pro- 
tection of  their  persons  and  property,  empowered  to  hold 
intercourse  with  local  authorities  and  also  with  the  emperor, 
through  high  government  officers. 

Mr.  Caleb  Cushing  was  soon  after  appointed  commissioner 
and  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipotentiary  to 
China.  He  arrived  at  Macao  in  the  U.  S.  steamer  Brandy- 
wine  in  February,  1844,  with  the  intention  of  proceeding 
directly  to  Peking  to  present  his  letters  to  the  emperor.  But 
the  newly  appointed  Chinese  commissioner  at  Canton,  Tsi- 


256  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN  POWERS. 

ycn<r,  or  Keying,  strongly  deprecated  any  thought  of  a  journey 
to  the  capital,  or  even  to  Tientsin,  saying  that  the  appearance 
of  the  American  ships  on  the  coast  would  give  rise  to  much 
anxiety  and  excitement  among  the  people,  and  offering  many 
arguments  against  the  propriety  of  the  undertaking.  Mr. 
Cushing  finally  yielded  to  these  protestations,  which  was 
doubtless  the  wisest  policy  at  the  time. 

Mr.  Cushing  succeeded  in  negotiating  a  treaty,  known  as 
the  treaty  of  Wang  Hiya,  which  was  signed  July  3,  1844. 
By  this  treaty  five  ports  were  opened  to  American  trade, 
privileges  of  residence  granted  to  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
port  regulations  established,  and  two  very  important  conces- 
sions secured,  the  first  involving  the  right  of  foreigners  to 
be  tried  by  their  own  consular  or  other  government  authori- 
ties, the  second  according  to  the  United  States  all  privileges 
and  advantages  which  China  might  concede  to  any  other 
nation.  These  two  provisions,  known  as  exterritoriality  and 
the  favored  nation  clause,  have  been,  and  still  are,  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  foreigners  in  China  and  also  in 
Japan. 

A  feature  of  the  agreement  is  the  privilege  of  direct  corre- 
spondence between  the  United  States  government  and  the 
court,  such  correspondence  to  be  transmitted  through  certain 
designated  officers  at  the  open  ports. 

The  successful  and  prompt  negotiation  of  this  treaty  was  no 
doubt  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Chinese  commissioner  became 
fully  convinced  that  the  United  States  did  not  desire  to 
take  possession  of  Chinese  territory  or  to  extort  money  or 
to  offend  the  national  pride  or  dignity. 

The  selection  of  Caleb  Cushing  as  the  first  diplomatic  repre- 
sentative of  this  country  was  most  fortunate  and  wise.  Look- 
ing over  the  correspondence  conducted  by  him  with  the 
Chinese  officials  in  the  light  of  later  years  of  experience  in 


RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA.  257 

dealing  with  those  personages,  one  can  but  feel  impressed 
with  his  keen  insight  into  their  strange  character  and 
motives.  Ever  excessively  courteous,  in  conformity  with  the 
customs  of  the  East,  he  was  firm  in  maintaining  the  dignity 
and  power  of  the  United  States.  The  treaty  which  he 
negotiated  was  the  result  of  the  wisest  diplomacy,  through 
which  we  secured  greater  prestige  and  even  more  honorable 
concessions  than  British  arrogance  had  enforced  at  the 
cannon's  mouth.  It  was  British  trade  which  opened  China 
with  powder  and  ball  and  the  sacrifice  of  thousands  of  lives 
and  the  payment  of  an  enormous  indemnity.  But  it  was  the 
United  States  which  first  secured  the  right  of  diplomatic 
correspondence  with  Peking.  Although  our  minister  was 
finally  induced  to  desist  from  his  avowed  purpose  to  visit 
Peking  and  present  his  letter  to  the  emperor  in  person,  we 
can  be  sure  now,  that  it  was  far  better  that  he  should  have 
acquiesced  in  this,  than  to  have  made  the  journey  under 
the  same  conditions  as  the  earlier  embassies  of  Lord  Macart- 
ney and  Lord  Amherst,  who  knowingly  traveled,  at  least 
by  tacit  acquiescence,  as  bearers  of  tribute. 

In  the  year  1857  Mr.  William  B.  Reed  was  appointed  envoy 
and  minister  of  the  United  States.  Experience  had  already 
shown  the  necessity  of  a  revision  of  the  treaty  and  of  a  more 
rigid  enforcement  of  its  provisions.  The  British  and  French 
were  united  in  their  demands  upon  China  and  desired  the 
assistance  of  the  United  States  in  armed  co-operation.  This, 
however,  was  refused.  Our  policy  was  to  gain  everything 
necessaiy  by  peaceful  means  and  friendly  overtures  alone  ; 
a  course  also  most  consistently  followed  by  the  Russian  minis- 
ter, Count  Pontiatine.  Mr.  Reed  was  particularly  instructed 
to  say  to  the  Chinese  that  we  were  not  parties  to  the  existing 
hostilities— the  second  opium  war,  as  it  may  justly  be  termed, 
having  begun— but   our   people   desired   only  to  engage  in 


258  THE    I'MTKD  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

trade  under  suitable  guarantees  for  their  protection,  and 
that  the  United  States  government  did  not  wish  to  legalize 
the  opium  trade,  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  China. 

The  correspondence  between  the  Chinese  Commissioner 
Yeh,  at  Canton,  and  Mr.  Reed  is  curiously  illustrative  of 
the  skill  and  elegance  of  composition  so  typical  of  a  learned 
Chinese  diplomat.  Mr.  Reed  says  that  citizens  of  the  United 
States  "have  suffered  many  wrongs  from  the  rulers  and 
people  of  China."  Yeh  says:  "But  allow  me  to  observe, 
that  since  the  merchants  and  citizens  of  the  United  States 
have  come  to  China  to  trade,  they  have  ever  been  treated  with 
courtesy  and  kindness,  and  therefore  can  have  no  wrongs 
to  redress."  When  Mr.  Reed  expressed  his  regret  that  the 
commissioner  Mas  unable  to  meet  him  for  a  personal  inter- 
view, the  commissioner  replied:  "From  this  it  is  plainly 
to  be  perceived  that  your  excellency  well  understands  the 
position  of  things,  and  the  heartfelt  regrets  which  you 
express  have  greatly  tranquilized  my  feelings" — which  means 
that  a  personal  interview  is  not  necessary,  and  indeed  it 
was  not  accorded.  In  fact,  the  tranquil  and  extremely 
arrogant  Yeh  could  not  be  made  to  acknowledge  that  there 
was  anything  wrong  or  inoperative  about  the  old  treaty. 
"Our  two  countries,"  he  said,  "are  like  two  good  friends," 
and  since  making  the  treaty  "are  still  in  every  respect  on 
the  best  of  terms." 

The  scene  of  action  now  changes.  Finding  satisfactory 
negotiation  at  Canton  impossible,  Mr.  Reed  determined  to 
proceed  to  Peking.  The  British  and  French  fleets  were  about 
to  sail  for  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho,  there  to  demand  satis- 
faction for  their  wrongs,  if  necessary  by  an  armed  demonstra- 
tion at  Peking.  Mr.  Reed  accompanied  them,  and  was 
an  observer  of  all  that  took  place  at  Taku,  but  not  a  partici- 
pant in  any  of  the  warlike  operations.      All  his  influence  was 


RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA. 


259 


exerted  to  prevent  hostilities,  but  in  vain.  The  allies 
captured  the  Taku  forts  and  sailed  up  the  tortuous  channel  to 
Tientsin,  where  new  treaties  were  drawn  up  by  all  the  powers 
represented  and  duly  signed.  It  was  agreed  that  ratifications 
should  be  exchanged  the  next  year. 

The  treaty  negotiated  by  Mr.  Reed,  signed  June  18,  1858, 
gave  to  the  United  States  the  right  of  direct  correspondence 
with  the  privy 
council  at  the  capi- 
tal. Under  certain 
limitations  the 
United  States  min- 
ister was  to  be  al- 
lowed  to  visit 
Peking  annually, 
but  permanent  res- 
id  ence  was  not 
granted.  The  ports 
Niuchwang,  Tang- 
chow  (Chefoo) , 
Swatow,  Taiwan, 
Tarns  ui,  and 
Kiungehow  were 
opened  to  foreign 
trade  at  this  time. 

When  this  treaty 
was  signed,  and 
for  several  years 
before  and  afterwards,  the  country  was  in  the  midst  of  a 
disastrous  civil  war,  which  threatened  the  dynasty  with 
extinction  and  the  restoration  of  the  Mings.  This  was 
the  famous  Taiping  insurrection.  We  can  only  allude  to  its 
origin  and  progress.    The  emperor,  Tao  Kuang,  died  on  the 


260  THE   UNITED  STATES  AM)    FOREIGN    POWERS. 

26th  of  February,  1850.  "At  the  hour  mao  in  the  morning, 
his  celestial  majesty  transmitted  the.  imperial  dignity  to  his 
fourth  son,  and  in  the  evening  at  the  hour  of  hat,  he  set  off 
for  the  abode  of"  the  gods."  The  new  emperor  was  a  young 
man  of  nineteen,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Hienfung.  One  of 
his  first  acts  was  to  dismiss  and  degrade  two  of  the  best  and 
highest  officers  in  the  court,  and  appoint  in  their  stead  persons 
most  fanatically  opposed  to  the  foreign  barbarians,  as  the 
Europeans  were  designated. 

There  was  an  old  prophecy  current  in  China  that  about  this 
time,  1851,  the  former  dynasty  of  the  Mings  would  be  re-estab- 
lished. This  gave  a  sort  of  prophetic  promise  of  victory  to 
the  rebellion,  which  just  then  broke  out  in  Kiangsi  and  soon 
assumed  such  threatening  proportions  as  seriously  to  en- 
danger the  government.  It  was  originally  a  religious  move- 
ment, inspired  without  any  doubt  hy  the  teachings  of  the 
Christian  missionaries,  although  by  no  means  conducted  in 
the  interest,  or  with  any  clear  conception,  of  the  Christian 
religion.  In  1852  the  pretender  occupied  a  throne  at  Nan- 
king and  issued  edicts  dated  "the  first  year  of  Taiping  of 
the  dynasty  of  the  late  Mings." 

This  great  rebellion,  which  for  ten  long  years  desolated  the 
country,  was  finally  suppressed  with  foreign  aid.  The  British 
general,  Gordon,  has  worn  all  the  fame  and  laurels  for  the  re- 
sult, but  the  true  victor  was  the  one  who  organized  and  led 
the  Ever  Victorious  Army.  We  read  of  him  in  English 
books  as  "  an  American  adventurer  named  Ward."  He  may 
have  been  an  adventurer  and  he  certainly  was  an  American 
named  Frederick  Ward  ;  hut  lie  fell  at  the  head  of  his  men  in 
1862,  at  a  time  when  General  Gordon  bad  only  to  reap  the 
honors  for  the  completion  of  a  work  already  nearly  done. 
Whatever  may  he  said  on  the  other  side  as  to  the  relative 
merits  of  the  two  men,  the  one  a  mere  "adventurer,"   if  you 


RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA.  261 

like,  the  other  an  officer  in  the  British  army,  one  fact  remains 
to  testify  how  the  Chinese  recognized  the  services  of  our 
countryman.  Only  two  foreigners  have  ever  been  awarded 
posthumous  honors  by  the  emperor  of  China.  One  of  these 
is  Frederick  Ward  and  the  other  Anson  Burlingame. 

Mr.  Reed  departed  from  China  in  December,  1858,  leaving 
Mr.  S.  W.  Williams  charge  cV  affaires.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Mr.  John  E.  Ward,  who  brought  the  treaty  over  for  ratifica- 
tion. Arriving  at  Shanghai  he  was  met  by  commissioners 
from  Peking,  who  endeavored  to  have  the  ratifications  ex- 
changed there.  But  Mr.  Ward  was  instructed  to  go  to  Peking, 
and,  although  no  place  was  designated  in  the  treaty  for  the 
exchange  of  ratifications,  he  proposed  that  it  should  be  done 
at  Peking.  The  British  treaty,  however,  mentioned  Peking 
particularly,  and  the  British  and  French  plenipotentiaries 
were  determined  to  carry  out  the  agreement.  But  unexpected 
obstacles  were  in  the  way.  The  very  reasons  which  Mr. 
Ward  urged  for  prompt  action,  in  order  that  the  treaty  should 
be  ratified  on  or  before  the  18th  of  June,  the  date  specified, 
were  ingeniously  made  an  excuse  for  delay  by  the  commis- 
sioners. They  twisted  the  words  about  in  this  way  :  "  But, 
as  in  our  view  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty 
is  a  matter  of  high  importance  to  both  countries,  it  is  unde- 
sirable that  it  be  hastily  done." 

It  soon  became  obvious  that  the  commissioners  were  de- 
termined to  delay  the  exchange  of  ratifications  beyond  the 
date  appointed  and  also  that  they  designed  to  prevent  the 
foreign  envoys  from  reaching  Peking.  The  latter  decided  to 
lose  no  more  time,  so  they  left  Shanghai  and  in  a  few  days 
were  again  at  anchor  in  the  Gulf  of  Pechili.  Greatly  to  their 
surprise  they  found  the  entrance  to  the  Peiho  closed  by  barri- 
cades, and  the  forts  at  Taku  repaired  and  strengthened.  The 
indications  were  that  the  approach  of  the  foreigners  to  Pe- 


262  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

king  would  be  met  with  resistance.  The  British  admiral  de- 
manded the  removal  of  the  obstructions,  adding  that  if  not 
removed  by  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  July  he  would  order 
them  blown  up.  Mr.  Ward,  however,  determined  to  make 
an  attempt  to  reach  Peking  in  advance.  Accordingly  he 
crossed  the  bar  early  on  Friday  morning  in  a  small  steamer, 
but  when  about  half  a  mile  from  the  forts  the  steamer 
grounded  and  he  had  to  remain  there  until  the  evening  tide 
enabled  him  to  return  to  the  Powhatan.  About  midnight  the 
British  began  removing  the  barriers  and  the  forts  opened  fire 
on  the  ships.  The  next  day  the  battle  began  in  earnest,  and 
the  British  suffered  an  ignominious  defeat.  This  broke  off 
all  negotiations  <m  the  part  of  the  English  and  French,  who 
forthwith  returned  to  Shanghai. 

Mr.  Ward,  however,  opened  correspondence  with  the  gov- 
ernor of  Chihli  and  expressed  his  desire  to  visit  Peking  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  treaty.  In  reply  the 
governor  stated  that  he  would  be  conducted  to  Peking  from 
Pehtang,  a  port  a  few  miles  north  of  Taku,  and  that  carts, 
horses,  and  coolies  would  be  provided  for  the  journey  by  the 
provincial  treasury.  Accordingly  Mr.  Ward  and  his  suite 
went  to  Peking ;  but  during  their  brief  sojourn  there  they 
were  subjected  to  such  restrictions  that  they  were  unable  to 
see  much  of  the  city. 

When  Mr.  Ward  proposed  the  exchange  of  ratifications,  he 
was  told  that  before  any  business  could  be  transacted  in  the 
city  he  must  be  received  by  the  emperor.  This  was  accom- 
panied with  the  intimation  that  he  must  kneel  before  his 
majesty,  but  as  such  a  ceremony  could  not  be  arranged,  the 
audience  was  given  up.  Since  without  it  the  business  could 
not  be  conducted  at  the  capital,  ratifications  were  finally 
exchanged  at  Pehtang  on  the  16th  of  August,  1859. 

The  next  year  the  British  and  French  returned  to  the  Peiho 


RELATIONS  WITH   CHINA.  263 

with  a  powerful  fleet  and  army.  They  again  captured  the 
forts  at  Taku  and  inarched  to  Peking.  Their  treaties  were 
ratified  in  the  Hall  of  Ceremonies  and  the  British  embassy 
was  then  established  in  the  city. 

We  now  pass  over  a  few  years  not  devoid  of  interest,  be- 
cause their  events  do  not  require  especial  attention  here.  Mr. 
Anson  Burlingame  became  United  States  minister  in  1863. 
He  was  the  first  of  our  representatives  to  reside  in  Peking. 
His  policy,  which  he  described  as  "an  effort  to  substitute 
fair  diplomatic  action  in  China  for  force,"  was  eminently  suc- 
cessful, and  made  him  popular  at  the  Chinese  court.  In  1867 
he  left  the  diplomatic  service  of  the  United  States,  and  was 
chosen  by  the  Chinese  as  their  representative  to  all  the 
foreign  powers  with  which  they  had  treaty  relations.  His  mis- 
sion as  the  envoy  of  China  to  America  and  Europe  did  much 
to  open  the  minds  of  the  people  to  the  fact  that  the  Chinese 
had  made  great  progress  in  literature  and  arts.  But  his  death 
before  he  could  return  to  Peking  prevented  the  full  results  of 
his  labors  from  being  felt  in  China.  The  so-called  Burlingame 
treaty,  negotiated  by  him  in  behalf  of  China  in  1868,  contains 
the  following  declaration,  which  is  of  interest  now  because  of 
its  bearing  upon  the  later  action  of  the  United  States  con- 
cerning Chinese  immigration :  "The  United  States  and  the 
emperor  of  China  cordially  recognize  the  inherent  and  in- 
alienable right  of  man  to  change  his  home  and  his  allegiance, 
and  also  the  mutual  advantages  of  the  free  migration  and 
immigration  of  their  citizens  and  subjects  respectively  from 
the  one  country  to  the  other  for  the  purposes  of  curiosity, 
trade,  or  as  permanent  residents." 

This  treaty  was  made  after  we  had  experienced  the  results 
of  twenty  years  of  Chinese  immigration.  Mr.  Burlingame 
had  encouraged  it  in  1866  by  saying  that  a  million  Chinese 
would  find  employment  on  the  Pacific  coast.    Then  was  the 


264  THE    UNITED  STATES  AND   FOREIGN    POWERS. 

time  when  the  people  of  California  welcomed  the  Chinese. 
The  development  of  the  vast  resources  of  that  state  Mas  ren- 
dered  possible  by  (heir  presence.  Even  up  to  the  year  18S1  it 
was  Bcarcely  possible  for  the  farmers  of  California  to  find 
laborers  enough  to  carry  on  their  work,  and  the  cry  was 
heard  that  only  high  wages  would  bring  the  Chinese  over  ! 

But  the  Chinese  immigration  had  become  an  element  in 
local  politics,  and  the  most  unfounded  and  impossible  asser- 
tions were  made  against  them.  When  there  were  about 
75,000  of  them  in  California,  and  less  than  94,000  in  the  whole 
country,  it  was  declared  "a  well-known  fact  "  that  there  were 
more  than  150,000  of  them  in  California,  and  the  absurd  pre- 
diction was  made  that  "the  Chinese  population  will,  in  the 
near  future,  exceed  the  population  of  Americans  and  all  other 
races  combined."  This  was  in  face  of  the  fact  that  the  Chi- 
nese population  here  was  actually  decreasing,  and  when  there 
was  even  a  smaller  number  of  Chinese  in  the  state  of  Cali- 
fornia than  there  were  colored  people  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  In  considering  the  course  of  our  legislation  upon 
this  subject,  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Chinese  came 
here  originally  at  our  own  solicitation,  that  they  were  an  im- 
portant element  in  the  development  of  the  state  of  California, 
that  the  Burlingame  treaty  guarantees  "every  privilege  and 
complete  protection  to  Americans  in  China,"  and  "  equal 
rights  to  Chinamen  in  the  United  States." 

The  so-called  Angell  treaty  of  November  17,  1880,  was 
the  first  step  in  a  course  of  restriction  of  immigration  and 
exclusion.  In  this  treaty  it  is  agreed  that  " the  government 
of  the  United  States  may  regulate,  limit,  or  suspend"  the 
coming  or  residence  of  Chinese  laborers,  "but  may  not  ab- 
solutely prohibil  it,"  and  that  "the  limitation  or  suspension 
shall  be  reasonable."  Taking  full  advantage  of  the  privileges 
thus  granted,   an  act  of  Congress  was  passed  May  6,  1882, 


RELATIONS  WITH   CHINA.  265 

suspending  the  coming  of  Chinese  laborers  for  ten  years 
and  requiring  that  Chinese  persons  not  laborers  who  desire  to 
enter  the  United  States,  shall  provide  themselves  with  certifi- 
cates from  their  government.  It  also  provided  for  the  issue  of 
certificates  to  Chinese  residents  in  this  country  who  desired  to 
go  home  and  return.  At  a  later  period  the  certificates 
thus  issued  and  accepted  in  good  faith  by  the  Chinese  were 
arbitrarily  repudiated,  and  our  customs  officers  at  San  Fran- 
cisco no  longer  recognized  their  validity. 

The  act  of  1882  was  amended  in  July,  1884,  increasing  the 
stringency  of  its  provisions  and  extending  the  time  of  its 
operation  two  years — until  1894. 

Both  these  acts,  while  purporting  to  admit  persons  not 
laborers,  require  that  such  persons  shall  exhibit  certificates 
from  the  Chinese  government  attesting  the  fact.  It  is  practi- 
cally impossible  to  obtain  such  certificates,  as  the  framers 
of  the  bill  doubtless  knew  very  well. 

The  climax  of  injustice  was  reached  by  the  passage  of 
the  Scott  act,  October  1,  1888.  This  absolutely  prohibits  the 
return  of  Chinese  laborers  to  the  United  States  and  declares 
all  certificates  hitherto  issued  in  pursuance  of  law,  void  and  of 
no  effect.  Since  the  opening  of  China  the  foreign  powers, 
through  their  ministers  at  Peking,  have  been  incessantly  de- 
manding that  China  should  observe  her  treaties.  A  more 
conspicuous  disregard  of  treaty  obligations  than  is  involved 
in  the  passage  of  the  Scott  act  by  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  cannot  be  found.  It  is  absolute  exclusion  not  only 
of  laborers  who  come  intending  to  remain  in  the  country  but, 
as  at  one  time  construed  by  the  Treasury  Department,  prohi- 
bition even  of  travelers  in  transit.  To  make  the  matter 
still  more  discreditable  to  the  United  States,  at  the  time  when 
this  act  was  passed,  a  treaty,  which  involved  a  prohibition 
of  the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  and  which  originated 


266  THE    UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

willi  the  Chinese  government,  had  been  considered  by  the 
Semite,  amended  in  minor  details,  and,  the  amendments 
having  been  accepted  as  satisfactory  by  the  Chinese  minister 
at  "Washington,  had  heen  sent  to  Peking  for  ratification. 
This  treaty  gave  to  us  all  we  could  possibly  demand.  In  the 
preamble  it  reads  as  follows  : 

"  Whereas  the  government  of  China,  in  view  of  the  an- 
tagonism and  much  deprecated  and  serious  disorders  to  which 
the  presence  of  Chinese  laborers  has  given  rise  in  certain 
parts  of  the  United  States,  desires  to  prohibit  the  emigration 
of  such  laborers  from  China  to  the  United  States,"  etc. 

Article  I.  as  amended  reads :  "  For  a  period  of  twenty 
years  the  coming  ...  of  Chinese  laborers  to  the  United 
States  shall  be  absolutely  prohibited  and  this  prohibition 
shall  extend  to  the  return  of  Chinese  laborers  who  are  not 
now  in  the  United  States,  whether  holding  return  certificates 
under  existing  laws  or  not." 

There  was  no  reason  at  the  time  to  apprehend  that  the 
treaty  would  not  be  ratified.  The  Chinese  did  not  recognize 
that  there  was  any  necessity  for  special  haste  about  it  and 
they  had  some  further  propositions  to  submit  for  considera- 
tion. But  the  demand  was  made  through  our  minister, 
Mr.  Denby,  for  immediate  ratification.  This  met  with  no 
reply  and  it  was  therefore  considered  that  ratification  of 
their  own  treaty  was  refused. 

The  Scott  act  therefore  received  the  President's  signature 
and  became  a  law.  As  regards  the  action  of  Congress  in 
this  matter  it  was  "the  first  time,"  as  Mr.  Evarts  declared, 
"  in  the  diplomatic  history  of  this  country  of  an  intervention 
by  legislative  action  while  there  was  a  treaty  negotiated 
by  tli is  government  in  ad  its  constitutional  forms  pending  for 
adoption  by  a  foreign  nation."  Mr.  Sherman  declared  that  if 
Great  Britain  were  to  act  thus  toward  the  American  people, 


RELATIONS  WITH   CHINA.  267 

he  "would  without  hesitation  vote  for  a  declaration  of  non- 
intercourse  or  war." 

The  Chinese  always  maintained  that  they  did  not  refuse  to 
ratify  the  treaty.  This  is  true  enough,  and  at  the  time  when 
the  Scott  act  was  passed  there  was  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
they  would  sign  the  treaty.  But  later  disclosures  indicate  that 
already  they  had  begun  to  realize  that  the  treaty  proposed  by 
themselves  was  a  mistake — that  it  was  a  serious  matter  thus 
to  sign  away  a  nation's  rights  and  privileges.  That  such 
an  act  was  possible  shows  how  lightly  the  high  officers  of  the 
government  at  Peking  esteem  the  privileges  of  their  people 
abroad,  but  more  clearly  still  how  ignorant  they  are  of  their 
material  interests  in  foreign  lands.  Before  the  time  for  the 
ratification  of  that  treaty  arrived,  the  action  of  one  of  the  Aus- 
tralian colonies  together  with  the  representations  of  the 
Chinese  minister  at  London,  served  to  open  the  eyes  of  the 
Peking  officials,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  treaty  would 
ever  have  been  ratified. 

Coming  down  to  the  present  time,  a  number  of  bills  were 
introduced  in  the  Fifty-second  Congress  to  regulate  or  stop 
the  immigration  of  Chinese,  two  of  which,  the  Geaiy  bill  and 
the  one  drawn  up  at  the  Treasury  Department  and  introduced 
by  Mr.  Sherman,  were  intended  absolutely  to  close  our  ports 
to  all  Chinese  except  government  officials.  The  less  said 
about  these  bills,  and  the  sooner  they  drop  into  oblivion, 
the  better.  The  former  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  179 
in  the  affirmative.  It  may  yet  rise  to  confront  us  as  an 
example  of  the  utter  disregard  of  our  legislators  of  the  highest 
obligations  of  this  nation. 

As  one  of  the  Chinese  ministers  wrote  concerning  the  Scott 
act,  he  "was  not  prepared  to  learn  .  .  .  that  there  was 
a  way  recognized  in  the  law  and  practice  of  your  country, 
whereby  your  government  could  release  itself  from  treaty 


THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN    POWERS. 

obligation-  without  consultatioD  with  or  the  consent  of  the 
other  party." 

Although  the  Geary  bill  was  too  harsh  a  measure  to  receive 
the  support  of  the  Senate,  the  practical  effect  of  the  bill 
which  was  passed  and  which  became  a  law  <>n  the  5th  of  May, 
1892,  is  scarcely  less  unjust  and  oppressive.  This  law  con- 
tinues in  force  all  existing  laws  relative  to  Chinese  immigra- 
tion for  ten  years  from  the  passage  of  the  act.  It  also  requires 
all  Chinese  laborers  in  the  country  who  are  legally  entitled  to 
remain,  to  obtain  certificates  of  residence  within  one  year. 

The  Chinese  minister  has  made  a  strong  protest  against  the 
passage  of  this  bill.  His  ground  of  complaint  is  that  it 
renews  the  Scott  law  of  1S88,  denies  the  right  of  bail  to 
Chinese  in  habeas  corpus  cases,  and  requires  registration 
under  conditions  which  in  most  instances  are  practically 
impossible  to  fulfill.  The  last  is  the  most  serious  considera- 
tion because  it  affects  every  Chinese  laborer  in  the  country. 
Owing  to  the  regulations  enforced  during  the  last  ten  years, 
by  far  the  greater  number  of  Chinese  laborers  now  here 
arrived  before  the  exclusion  act  of  1882.  Since  that  time  up 
to  June  30,  1890,  56,203  Chinese  have  arrived  with  certifi- 
cates of  previous  residence,  and  of  new  arrivals,  presumably 
not  laborers,  there  have  been  only  10,2-12.  Nowr,  the  total 
Chinese  population  in  the  United  States  does  not  exceed 
110,000— a  ridiculously  small  number  to  cause  a  great  nation  to 
break  its  faith.  It  may  be  said  that  practically  every  one 
of  these  who  is  a  laborer,  is  now  obliged  to  establish  his  right 
to  remain  in  the  country  by  the  evidence  of  at  least  one  white 
witness,  who  must  have  known  him  ten  years  ago.  or 
before  the  law  of  1SS2  was  passed.  The  utter  impossibility  of 
securing  such  witnesses  is  obvious.  The  law  therefore  is 
not  only  one  to  exclude  Chinese  immigrants  but  it  will 
have   the  effect  of  sending  away   thousands  of  industrious, 


RELATIONS  WITH   CHINA.  269 

frugal,  and  inoffensive  laborers,  who  have  both  a  moral 
and  a  legal  right  to  remain  here.  And  the  question  must  arise 
in  the  minds  of  all  who  study  this  subject,  whether  the 
makers  of  the  laws  of  this  great  nation  are  bound  by  any  con- 
siderations of  national  honor.  If  not,  if  treaties  are  to  be  dis- 
regarded and  abrogated  without  warning  or  just  cause,  other 
nations  than  China  will  begin  to  ask  concerning  the  value 
of  such  engagements  with  this  country. 

This  chapter  is  already  so  long  as  to  preclude  any  discussion 
of  the  condition  and  influences  of  the  Chinese  population 
in  the  United  States.  So  far  as  the  writer's  personal  observa- 
tion and  inquiries  on  the  Pacific  coast  extend,  and  consider- 
ing also  the  weight  of  the  published  testimony  concerning  the 
Chinese,  it  would  appear  that  most  of  the  charges  brought 
against  them  are  either  gross  exaggerations  or  utterly 
false.  But  it  is  impossible  to  refute  them  here.  If  the 
opinion  of  an  individual  who  has  a  knowledge  of  the  Chinese 
in  their  native  land  is  of  any  value,  it  may  be  said  that 
they  are  a  far  more  desirable  class  of  immigrant  laborers  than 
a  large  proportion  of  the  half  million  who  annually  come 
from  Europe  to  increase  our  population  and  influence  our 
politics. 

It  is  impossible  to  foresee  what  the  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  China  will  be  in  the  near  future.  Whether 
the  Chinese  will  resent  the  recent  action  of  Congress  by  with- 
drawing their  legation  from  Washington,  and  also  by  adopt- 
ing measures  to  expel  Americans  from  China,  is  uncertain ; 
but  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  interests  of  American 
citizens  in  China  have  been  jeopardized,  and  perhaps  irre- 
trievably ruined ;  not  merely  our  present  interests  in  the  trade 
with  China  or  the  present  business  and  employments  of 
our  countrymen  in  China,  but  opportunities  which  the 
near  future  is  opening  there  to  foreign  enterprise  greater  than 


270  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND    FOREIGN   POWERS. 

ever  before,  but  now,  doubtless,  closed  to  the  people  of  this 
mil  ion.  These  opportunities  have  never  been  fairly  presented 
to  the  people  of  the  United  Stales.  There  are  few  persons 
sufficiently  familiar  with  the  enormous  resources  of  China 
and  wiih  the  policy  which,  arrogant,  conservative,  suspicious 
as  it  is,  is  still  tending  toward  their  development,  to  foresee 
and  take  full  advantage  of  the  future  course  of  events  in  that 
country. 

There  is  still  one  important  feature  about  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  China  which  can  only  be  briefly  referred  to  here — the 
conditions  under  which  foreign  ministers  are  received  by  the 
emperor.  Although  the  ports  of  China  were  opened  to  trade 
by  foreign  demands  enforced  by  powder  and  ball,  not  one 
foreign  envoy  has  for  two  hundred  years  been  received  by  the 
emperor  on  terms  recognizing  the  equality  of  the  nation  he 
represented.  Imperial  audiences  have  been  very  few  it  is 
true ;  but  they  have  been  frequently  demanded.  There  was 
one  in  1S73,  which  was  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  the  foreign 
ministers,  for  which  they  were  severely  criticised  at  the  time. 
But  so  subtle  are  the  ways  of  Chinese  diplomacy  that  the 
errors  of  1873  were  repeated  in  1891.  The  explanations  of  the 
diplomatic  corps  at  Peking  are  very  specious  and  plausible, 
but  the  fact  remains  that  the  audience  was  another  victory  for 
Chinese  diplomacy,  and  the  high  ministers  of  the  empire 
must  have  enjoyed  it  keenly  and  indulged  by  themselves  in 
that  "  smile  which  is  childlike  and  bland"  over  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  foreign  envoys. 

At  the  time  of  the  last  audience  the  present  writer  penned 
in  China  the  following  lines:  "The  audience  question  in 
China  is  not  yet  settled.  It  is  not  much  to  the  credit  of 
foreign  diplomats  that  it  has  so  long  remained  open.  A  just 
and  Arm  policy,  coupled  with  an  intelligent  understanding  of 
Chinese  affairs  and  Chinese  character,  would  have  accom- 


RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA.  271 

plished  long  ago  what  years  of  diplomatic  intercourse  with- 
out a  defined  policy  or  purpose  have  not  done.  The  audience 
was  granted :  but  has  the  persistent  barrier  of  Chinese  self- 
assumed  superiority  and  supremacy  been  broken  ?  Do  we,  or 
does  any  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  stand  on  an  equality 
in  Chinese  eyes  with  the  Chinese  themselves  ?  Certainly  not. 
If  we  are  not  tribute  bearers  in  xact,  we  are  an  inferior  and 
unworthy  people.  The  recent  audience  may  be,  for  aught  we 
know,  represented  to,  and  actually  regarded  by  the  Chinese 
nation,  as  a  mere  formality,  not  in  any  sense,  as  it  should  be, 

an  acknowledgment  of  equality  in  rank  or  power 

Future  audiences  are  to  be  held  in  a  special  hall  to  be  erected 
for  the  purpose.  But  may  not  this  be  another  trap  set  for  the 
unwary  ministers  by  Chinese  diplomacy  ?  It  is  doubtful  if 
the  emperor  would  even  now  grant  an  audience  to  a  foreign 
envoy  in  the  imperial  palace  without  the  ceremony  of  the 
kotoiv.  This  fact  may  prove  of  greater  significance  in  future 
than  it  now  appears."  Subsequent  events  and  experiences 
have  fully  sustained  the  views  then  expressed. 

The  more  one  studies  and  reasons  and  attempts  to  fathom 
the  peculiarities  of  the  Chinese,  the  more  he  becomes  con- 
scious of  the  vast  gulf  which  separates  us  from  participation 
in  the  culture  and  thoughts  and  motives  of  that  people.  We 
cannot  understand  them,  but  we  are  forced  to  acknowledge 
their  high  culture,  and  to  recognize  that  it  is  this  which  lies 
at  the  foundation  of  a  great  and  successful  empire.  We  learn 
to  respect  it  for  its  permanence  and  antiquity,  as  well  as 
for  what  it  has  led  up  to  in  industry  and  arts.  And  if  ever 
we  would  boast  of  our  own  superior  attainments  in  literature 
or  science,  let  us  not  forget  how  very  recently  all  this  has 
come  to  us.  What  was  there  of  our  civilization  in  the 
thirteenth  century  ?  At  that  time  China  was  at  the  height  of 
her   prosperity,    with   a   civilization   which  extended   back 


272  THE    i  mii:i>  BTATES   ami   FOREIGN    POWERS. 

for  many  centuries  and  a  written  language  \\- 1 1 i « ■  1 1  can  be 
traced  back,  perhaps,  to  the  time  of  the  ancient  Assyrians, 
long  before  the  ancestors  of  the  <  Ihinese  began  their  eastward 
march  and  founded  an  empire  on  the  shores  of  the  Yellow 
Sen.  They  used  the  magnetic  needle  in  the  fourth  century, 
and  printed  books  in  the  tenth  century,  five  hundred  years 
before  thai  art  was  known  in  Europe. 


CTTA'PTEB  XX. 

RELATIONS  WITH  JAPAN. 

The  empire  of  Japan  was  founded  660  years  before  the 
advent  of  Christ  and  was  an  absolute  monarchy  until  1889, 
when  the  despotism  was  abolished  and  a  constitution 
adopted.  It  consists  of  four  islands  lying  east  of  China,  with 
an  area  of  147,655  square  miles,  or  nearly  as  large  as  the  state 
of  California,  and  a  population  of  40,000,000,  or  a  little  more 
than  that  of  France.  The  army  consists  of  80,000  men  with 
326  guns,  and  all  its  firearms,  ordnance,  and  ammunition  are 
made  in  Japanese  arsenals.  The  navy  is  composed  of  seven- 
teen steel  and  iron  vessels,  five  composite  and  three  wooden 
vessels,  of  37,600  aggregate  tonnage,  and  11,463  officers  and 
men.  The  imports  in  1890  amounted  to  $80,000,000,  about 
$7,000,000  of  which  was  bought  from  the  United  States.  The 
exports  for  the  same  year  amounted  to  $55,000,000,  of  which 
$20,000,000  was  sold  to  the  United  States. 

The  first  intercourse  of  Japan  with  Europeans  resulted  from 
a  visit  of  a  Portuguese  company  to  Nagasaki  in  1545,  with 
whom  commercial  relations  were  established.  They  were 
followed  by  the  Dutch  in  1600  and  the  British  East  India 
Company  in  1613,  with  whom  similar  commerce  was  opened. 
Owing,  however,  to  the  intrigues  and  political  intermeddling 
of  Catholic  missionaries,  a  decree  of  the  government  expelling 
foreigners  from  the  country  was  enforced  in  1639  against  all 

273 


274  Tin:   I  MM  D      I   LTES   AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

aliens  except  a  few  Dutch  traders,  who  were  permitted,  under 
Bevere  restrictions,  t<>  remain  within  certain  limits  of  the 
country. 

This  rigorous  isolation  from  the  other  nations  of  the  world 
\\  a-  carefully  maintained  for  nearly  three  centuries.  But  it 
must  not  be  inferred  that  the  Japanese  were  ignorant  of  all 
that  happened  during  these  many  years,  in  Europe  and  Asia, 
since  one  of  the  conditions  imposed  ujxm  the  few  Dutch 
residents  remaining  in  the  empire  was  that  they  were  to 
collect  and  report  to  the  government  all  important  or  interest- 
ing information  relating  to  other  nations.  This  information, 
studiously  concealed  from  the  people,  was  regularly  communi- 
cated  to  the  emperor  and  Ins  advisers.  Thus  they  had 
constant  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the  progress  of  European 
commerce  and  the  British  and  Russian  encroachments  into 
Asia.  They  gave  the  closest  study  to  the  march  of  these 
events.  They  saw  that  the  intrusions  of  "Western  civilization 
were  inevitable  and  that,  in  the  near  future,  they  too  would 
have  to  face  the  problem.  Hence  they  were  prepared,  how- 
ever unwillingly,  to  break  down  the  barriers  that  had  been  so 
long  and  successfully  maintained  and,  by  virtue  of  necessity, 
to  enter  into  relations  with  the  outer  world. 

At  this  auspicious  period,  Commodore  Perry  of  the  Ameri- 
can navy,  specially  commissioned  by  his  government,  entered 
the  hay  of  Yedo.  Although  accompanied  by  an  armament 
sufficient  to  have  enforced  any  demand,  he  seems  to  have 
depended  alone,  for  the  success  of  his  plans,  upon  the  ini- 
pressive  moral  effect  that  would  result  from  such  a  display 
of  force  ;  and  Ids  conduct  toward  the  Japanese  authorities  was 
marked  by  a  scrupulous  regard  for  their  government  and 
a  punctilious  respect  for  their  people.  After  a  few  days  of 
pleasant  intercourse  and  the  interchange  of  courteous  civilities 
with  the  natives,  he  communicated  to  them  the  object  of  his 


RELATIONS  WITH  JAPAN.  275 

mission  and  confided  to  their  care  dispatches  to  be  conveyed 
to  the  emperor.  Then  he  weighed  anchor  and,  without  wait- 
ing for  any  reply  from  the  government,  put  to  sea.  This 
strange  species  of  diplomacy,  so  fully  in  line  with  Japanese 
ideas  of  propriety,  had  a  happy  effect ;  for,  contrasting 
this  conduct  of  the  Americans  with  that  of  the  British  and 
Russians  toward  Eastern  countries,  the  people  were  deeply  im- 
pressed with  the  delicate  sense  of  honor  displayed  by  the 
Americans ;  and,  conscious  of  their  inability  longer  to  avert 
foreign  intercourse,  they  were  now  prepared  to  entertain 
our  advances  favorably. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Commodore  Perry  again  entered 
the  Japanese  waters  in  1854,  one  year  from  the  date  of  his  first 
visit.  This  long  period  of  time  had  afforded  the  Japanese 
an  opportunity  for  careful  deliberation;  and,  in  view  of 
the  necessity  of  opening  the  country  to  foreign  intercourse  and 
because  of  the  apprehension  that  they  might  soon  have  to 
experience  some  of  the  peculiar  tactics  of  European  diplomacy, 
they  decided  to  respond  to  the  advances  of  the  United  States 
government.  Thus  it  happened  that  the  visit  of  Commodore 
Perry  was  most  opportune,  and  that  officer,  who  had  carefully 
acquainted  himself  with  the  circumstances,  at  once  addressed 
himself  to  the  successful  accomplishment  of  his  delicate  task. 
His  various  steps  in  the  process  of  negotiation  were  taken  with 
caution,  and  his  gracious  and  courteous  conduct  so  completely 
dispelled  suspicion  that  he  was  regarded  as  the  representative 
of  a  friendly  power  with  whom  Japan  might  safely  treat. 
Thenceforth  his  overtures,  couched  in  deferential  terms  and 
free  from  every  species  of  dictation  and  assumption,  were 
respectfully  and  favorably  considered  by  the  Japanese  govern- 
ment ;  so  that,  after  some  short  delays  incident  to  the  arrange- 
ment of  such  matters,  a  treaty  between  Japan  and  the  United 
States  was  signed.    This  treaty,  the  first  one  entered  into 


278  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

by  Japan,  lias  resulted  in  the  opening  of  the  country  to  the 
world  and,  supplemented  as  it  lias  been  by  our  just  conduct 
toward  thai  people,  has  given  to  the  United  States  a  prestige 
and  Influence  in  Japan  that  no  other  nation  so  fully  enjoys. 
In  1855,  Mr.  Townsend  Harris  was  appointed  consul 
neral  of  the  United  States  to  Japan  by  President  Bu- 
chanan and,  proceeding  there,  established  his  residence  at 
Shimoda  on  the  bay  of  Yedo,  a  port  opened  to  our  commerce 
under  the  treaty  negotiated  by  Commodore  Perry.  From  the 
beginning  of  his  official  career,  this  remarkable  person  exer- 
cised great  influence  in  Japanese  affairs.  Although  trained 
to  mercantile  pursuits,  and  without  any  previous  experience 
in  diplomacy,  he  seems  to  have  understood  intuitively  the 
character  of  the  Japanese  and  to  have  perfectly  compre- 
hended the  complicated  situation  that  had  resulted  from  the 
opening  of  the  country  to  foreign  intercourse.  And  it  should 
be  recorded  to  his  honor  and  to  the  credit  of  the  government 
he  so  ably  represented,  that  the  great  influence  wielded  by 
him  was  always  exerted  in  a  spirit  of  liberality  toward  Japan 
and  with  unswerving  fidelity  to  the  interests  of  his  country. 
Soon  after  his  arrival  there  evidences  of  a  popular  revolu- 
tion were  manifested.  The  opening  of  the  country  to  for- 
eigners, accepted  as  inevitable  by  the  state,  was  resisted  by 
the  people,  who  were  not  yet  willing  to  receive  the  western 
barbarians.  The  ruler  was  considered  as  a  usurper  and  con- 
spiracies were  formed  for  his  overthrow.  Many  of  the  power- 
ful territorial  nobles  were  in  revolt.  The  country  was  in  a 
state  of  chronic  disorder  and,  amidst  it  all,  those  foreign  na- 
tions that  had  followed  the  United  States  in  making  treaties 
with  Japan,  were  holding  the  government  to  the  strictest  re- 
sponsibility, In  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  was  doing  everything 
in  its  power  faithfully  to  comply  with  the  treaties.  Mr.  Har- 
ris alone  seemed  to  comprehend  the  real  situation  and  to  ex- 


RELATIONS  WITH  JAPAN.  277 

tend  his  sympathy  and  aid  to  the  government.  While  care- 
fully guarding  the  interests  of  his  own  country,  he  refused  to 
lend  his  sanction  to  any  harsh  or  oppressive  measures  and,  by 
his  prudent  course,  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  Japan  all 
those  concessions  that  are  the  bases  of  existing  treaties.  In 
1857  he  made  a  treaty  enlarging  the  privileges  granted  to  us 
in  the  Perry  treaty  and  secured,  among  other  advantages,  the 
opening  of  the  port  of  Nagasaki  as  well  as  the  right  of  per- 
manent residence  for  Americans  at  the  ports  of  Shimoda  and 
Hakodate.  But  his  greatest  diplomatic  triumph  was  in  the 
successful  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  1858,  when,  alone  and 
unattended,  he  was  the  first  foreign  representative  to  be  re- 
ceived in  private  audience  at  Yedo  by  the  shogun,  where, 
without  any  show  of  force  or  compulsion,  he  persuaded  the 
government  to  enter  into  another  treaty  that  revolutionized 
the  relations  of  Japan  with  foreign  nations.  It  is  to  his 
credit  that,  notwithstanding  his  great  prestige  and  influence, 
he  insisted  upon  no  unjust  exactions,  but  negotiated  in  the 
true  American  spirit  of  justice  and  tolerance ;  and  there  is 
little  doubt  but  that,  if  the  then  tottering  government  could 
have  had  the  co-operation  of  other  powers  in  enforcing  the 
terms  of  that  treaty,  Japan  would  have  no  reason  to 
complain  of  the  restrictions  of  succeeding  treaties  nor  would 
foreign  powers  have  to  contend  with  the  irritating  obstacles 
that  now  hamper  their  intercourse  with  Japan. 

The  visit  of  Mr.  Harris  to  Yedo,  as  special  ambassador  of 
the  United  States,  deserves  some  special  notice,  on  account  of 
the  careful  and  minute  instructions  of  the  government  in  ref- 
erence to  the  manner  of  his  conveyance  to,  and  reception  at, 
the  capital.  The  governor  of  Shimoda,  where  Mr.  Harris  lived, 
was  ordered  to  accompany  him  with  his  staff  and  the  in- 
spector of  roads  was  commanded  to  provide  relays  of  men  and 
horses  and  to  take  care  that  the    roads  and   bridges  on  the 


278  THE    I  Mill'   HATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

way,  as  well  as  the  lodging  pi aces,  should  be  placed  in  good 
order.  Householders  were  required  to  keep  the  road  in  front 
of  their  houses  cleanly  swept  and  the  people  were  forbidden 
to  gather  in  crowds  in  front  of  shops  or  at  the  windows  to 
gaze  at  the  procession  of  Mr.  Harris.  The  executive  officers 
of  the  Tycoon  were  directed  to  make  all  needful  preparations 
to  facilitate  Ids  visit  and  for  his  accommodation  at  the  cap- 
ital, as  well  as  for  Ins  visit  to  the  palace  and  his  audience  with 
the  Tycoon  and  council.  His  route  upon  entering  the  capital, 
his  visit  to  the  castle,  and  his  way  to  the  palace  of  Prince 
Hotta,  where  he  should  lodge,  were  all  dictated  by  special 
order  of  the  government.  The  preliminaries  and  formalities 
of  his  audience,  and  the  dress  of  the  officials  to  be  in  attend- 
ance at  the  reception  were  particularly  prescribed.  A  special 
memorandum  was  arranged  of  the  places  to  be  visited  and  the 
streets  to  be  traversed  by  the  American  ambassador  during 
hiastay  at  the  capital,  and,  in  short,  every  detail  and  cere- 
mony that  could  add  to  the  dignity  of  his  mission  and  em- 
phasize the  sincere  friendship  and  consideration  of  the  Jap- 
anese for  Mr.  Harris,  were  carefully  studied  and  minutely 
carried  out.  It  is  a  gratifying  fact  that  these  high  honors 
were  first  extended  to  our  representative  and  that  he  him- 
self was  so  worthy  of  this  attention  and  esteem. 

Mr.  Harris  was  succeeded  as  United  States  minister  by  Mr. 
Pruyn,  and,  during  the  service  of  the  latter  in  Japan,  arose 
the  difficulties  between  the  shogun  and  the  powerful  nobles 
who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  mikado.  These  troubles 
culminated  in  the  attempt,  by  the  daimio  of  Nogato,  to  close 
the  straits  of  Simoneseki,  and,  in  the  execution  of  his  pur- 
pose, he  fired  upon  the  merchant  vessels  of  foreign  powers. 
The  conduct  of  this  rebel  against  the  legitimate  government 
of  Japan  led  to  the  expedition  of  the  allied  fleet  to  those 
waters,  participated  in  by  the  vessels  of  the  United  States, 


RELATIONS  WITH  JAPAN.  279 

Great  Britain,  France,  and  the  Netherlands,  the  result  of 
which  was  that,  after  bombarding  Simoneseki  and  otherwise 
punishing  the  rebel  daimio,  these  foreign  powers  exacted 
from  Japan  an  indemnity  of  $3,000,000.  The  foreign  repre- 
sentatives, under  the  leadership  of  the  British  minister,  at- 
tempted to  use  two  thirds  of  this  sum  as  a  corruption  fund  to 
extort  from  the  shogun  further  concessions,  but  he  resisted 
their  overtures  and  assumed  its  payment.  Unhappily,  how- 
ever, for  Japan,  he  yielded  far  enough  to  agree  to  the  tariff  of 
1866,  to  which  the  United  States,  through  Mr.  Portman, 
charg6  cV  affaires,  was  a  party,  by  the  terms  of  which  Japan 
was  bound  to  levy  a  rate  of  duty  on  foreign  merchandise  not 
exceeding  five  per  cent  during  the  pleasure  of  the  treaty  pow- 
ers, and  although  the  treaty  provided  for  the  revision  of  this 
tariff  within  a  specified  period,  yet  it  has  been  so  far  impos- 
sible for  Japan  to  gain  the  consent  of  these  powers  with  the 
exception  of  the  United  States. 

Our  government  fully  manifested  its  appreciation  of  the  in- 
justice done  to  a  friendly  nation  by  providing,  in  the  treaty  of 
1871,  that  Japan  should  arrange  her  tariff  in  such  manner 
that  the  owners  and  cultivators  of  her  soil  might  be  in  a 
measure  relieved  from  the  heavy  taxes  imposed  upon  them 
by  the  deficit  in  her  revenues.  The  United  States  Congress, 
also,  in  1883,  gave  to  Japan  a  further  evidence  of  their  good 
will  and  sense  of  justice  by  returning  to  that  government  our 
share  of  the  Simoneseki  indemnity  fund  of  $3,000,000,  at  least 
two  thirds  of  which  has  been  popularly  regarded  as  shameless 
extortion.  Another  proof  of  friendship  and  fairness  was  indi- 
cated in  the  apology  of  this  government  for  the  action  of  Com- 
mander Selfridge,  who  violated  the  sovereignty  of  Japan  by 
firing  at  a  target  on  her  shores  ;  and  an  additional  act  of  jus- 
tice was  done  in  voting  a  satisfactory  indemnity  for  the  kill- 
ing and  wounding    of   several    of   her  citizens,   who,   unac- 


280  TIIK   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  TOWERS. 

quainted  with  the  character  of  the  unexploded  shells  fired  by 
the  commander,  Buffered  death  <>r  injury  while  trying  to  strip 
the  copper  from  one  of  these  missiles.  Again,  in  the  postal 
convention  of  1873,  the  United  States  manifested  anew  the  re- 
spect and  confidence  due  to  the  Japanese  by  surrendering  to 
their  government  the  control  of  her  own  postal  affairs.  This 
sensible  and  proper  recognition  of  the  right  and  ability  of 
Japan  to  manage  her  own  mail  system  was  fiercely  assailed  by 
European  governments,  but  the  wisdom  of  the  step  was  fully 
justified  by  similar  favorable  action  on  the  part  of  those  gov- 
ernments. Indeed,  the  kind  and  liberal  spirit  that  the  United 
States  have  invariably  manifested  toward  the  Japanese  has  won 
their  confidence  and  friendship  to  a  degree  not  enjoyed  by  any 
other  nation  or  people. 

The  brilliant  reception  extended  by  the  government  and 
people  of  Japan  to  General  Grant  during  his  visit  there 
excited,  in  America,  general  admiration  and  grateful  apprecia- 
tion. The  occasion  afforded  to  the  Japanese  a  favorable 
opportunity  to  demonstrate  their  high  regard  for  America 
and  Americans,  and  it  was  improved  by  them  to  the  fullest 
extent.  General  Grant  was  received  with  royal  honors  and 
every  day  of  his  sojourn  was  distinguished  by  fresh  mani- 
festations of  the  high  respect  and  gracious  hospitality  of 
the  entire  nation.  His  journeys  through  the  country  assumed 
the  semblance  of  triumphal  processions,  his  sojourns  in  the 
cities  were  characterized  by  splendid  banquets  and  brilliant 
fGtes,  and  his  voyages,  as  he  sailed  along  the  shores,  were 
replete  with  spontaneous  and  splendid  welcomes  amid  the 
roar  of  cannon,  the  blaze  of  fireworks,  the  waving  of  banners, 
and  the  deafening  plaudits  of  a  rejoicing  people.  Upon  his 
arrival  at  Tokio,  the  capital  of  Japan,  where  the  most  elabo- 
rate preparations  had  been  made  for  his  reception,  he  was 
escorl  d  in  rega  1  state  to  Euriokwan,  one  of  the  private  palaces 


RELATIONS  WITH  JAPAN.  281 

of  the  emperor,  which  had  been,  designated  as  his  quarters 
during  his  stay  in  the  capital.  There,  attended  by  a  numer- 
ous retinue  of  the  royal  officials  and  servants  and  surrounded 
by  all  the  refinements  of  Japanese  art  and  luxury,  be  was 
entertained  with  such  a  rare  and  splendid  Oriental  hospitality 
as  has  never  been  extended  to  royalty.  There  he  was  visited 
by  the  emperor  himself,  who,  in  a  private  interview,  discussed 
with  him  the  policies  of  state  and  asked  his  friendly  counsel 
in  the  various  matters  relating  to  the  welfare  of  his  subjects 
and  to  the  prosperity  and  progress  of  his  country. 

The  question  that  for  years  has  overshadowed  all  others  in 
the  empire  of  Japan  is  the  revision  and  reformation  of  her 
treaties  with  foreign  powers.  If,  upon  the  opening  of  the 
country  to  foreigners,  the  government  had  carefully  pursued 
the  prudent  policy  counseled  by  the  American  representative, 
it  would  have  been  spared  many  of  the  evils  that  now  afflict 
the  nation ;  but,  in  view  of  the  threatening  attitude  of 
European  diplomatists  and  the  misfortunes  that  had  over- 
whelmed China,  it  sought  to  temporize  in  the  face  of  appre- 
hended dangers  and  yielded  step  by  step  to  the  insidious 
demands  that  were  preferred  by  England,  Germany,  and  Hol- 
land. Thus  it  granted  the  right  of  extraterritoriality,  under 
which  foreigners  were  not  amenable  to  Japanese  law  and  by 
virtue  of  which  the  consular  officers  of  various  nations,  notori- 
ously uninstructed  in  legal  matters  and,  in  many  cases,  other- 
wise unfitted  for  the  administration  of  justice,  have  set  up 
miniature  courts  upon  the  soil  of  Japan  to  shield  their  subjects 
from  merited  punishment,  to  involve  the  natives  in  technical 
violations  of  their  edicts  and  afterwards  to  speculate  upon 
their  misfortunes  and  trade  upon  their  fears.  They  have 
resisted  the  payment  of  land  taxes,  of  tonnage  and  lighthouse 
dues,  and  tolls  upon  bridges  ;  they  have  quite  monopolized  the 
coastwise  trade  to  the  exclusion  of  Japanese  vessels,  and,  in  a 


282  THE    I   Mlil>  MATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

notable  instance,  when  the  government  had  discovered  smug- 
gling and  was  adopting  proper  means  to  prevent  it,  the  minis- 
ter of  Great  Britain  threatened  to  land  troops  to  assist  his 
countrymen  in  violation  of  Japanese  regulations. 

On  tlit-  other  hand,  European  nations  have  contended  that 
the  laws  of  Japan  were  antiquated  and  insufficient,  and  that 
the  courts  were  incompetent  and  corrupt.  The  rapid  progress 
of  Japan  in  commercial  and  intellectual  development  no 
longer  permits  that  pretext  to  be  advanced.  The  statutes,  par- 
ticularly those  relating  to  civil  and  commercial  affairs,  have 
been  revised  and  codified  by  a  competent  commission,  the 
French  rules  of  practice  in  judicial  procedure  have  been 
adopted,  and  the  native  judiciary  is  now  composed  of  men 
who  are  eminent  for  learning  and  integrity.  Having  no 
longer  an  excuse  for  treating  Japan  as  a  semi-barbarous  nation, 
the  United  States  and  the  European  powers  have  entered  into 
uniform  treaties,  under  which,  after  the  first  of  July,  1899, 
foreign  residents  in  Japan  will  be  amenable  to  the  local  laws 
and  courts  as  in  any  <>t  her  civilized  country.  Hitherto  they  have 
not  been  allowed  to  engage  in  business,  hold  property,  or  re- 
side in  any  but  certain  designated  cities,  and  only  in  certain 
portions  of  those  cities,  called  "foreign  reservations."  Here- 
after a  foreigner  may  come  and  go,  and  enjoy  all  the  rights, 
privileges,  and  immunities  that  are  allowed  native  subjects  of 
the  Mikado. 

The  foreign  residents  approach  this  radical  change  in  their 
conditions  with  serious  apprehension.  Many  of  them  have 
taken  advantage  of  the  protection  of  their  consuls  to  engage 
in  transactions  and  evade  obligations  that  were  not  entirely 
creditable ;  and  they  fear  retaliation.  There  is  likely  to  be 
more  or  less  friction  between  the  foreign  and  native  popula- 
tion, but  it  can  be  safely  assumed  that  the  authorities  of  Japan 
are  just,  and  that  its  courts  are  honest  and  intelligent. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

RELATIONS  WITH   KOREA,    SAMOA,    AND   SIAM. 

The  Kingdom  of  Korea. 

The  kingdom  of  Korea  is  situated  in  the  northwestern  part 
of  Asia  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  has  an  area  of  82,000  square 
miles  (about  that  of  the  state  of  Kansas),  and  is  a  peninsula 
like  Florida,  with  a  population  variously  estimated  at  from 
eight  to  sixteen  millions.  The  religion  of  the  country  is 
Buddhist  and  the  Chinese  language  is  spoken.  Until  within 
recent  years,  Korea  has  been  closed  to  the  world.  The  policy 
of  the  government,  like  that  long  practiced  by  China  and 
Japan,  was  to  exclude  all  foreigners  from  the  country  and 
to  prevent  its  citizens  from  going  abroad  ;  hence  it  has  re- 
mained for  ages  in  a  state  of  seclusion  and  until  lately  very 
little  was  known  of  it  by  the  people  of  the  West. 

The  United  States  was  the  first  nation  to  attempt  relations 
with  Korea,  and  this  was  due  to  a  curious  series  of  circum- 
stances. An  American  citizen  named  Frederick  Jenkins,  who 
had  for  some  time  served  as  interpreter  at  the  United  States 
consulate  general  at  Shanghai,  formed  a  small  band  of  con- 
spirators of  various  nationalities  in  China,  chartered  an 
American  schooner,  the  General  Sherman,  and  sailed  for  Korea 
early  in  1868  for  the  purpose  of  robbing  the  tombs  of  the 
deceased  sovereigns  of  that  country  and  holding  their  remains 
for  ransom.  Having  sailed  up  a  river  some  distance  into 
the  interior,   the  party  cast  anchor  and  several  of  the  crew 

283 


084 


THE   UNITED  ST  A  TES   AND  FOREIGX  POWERS. 


went  ashore,  when,  after  offering  some  indignities  to  the 
people,  they  were  arrested.  Afterwards  reinforcements  from 
the  Sherman  came  to  tin  sir  assistance,  rescued  them,  and  took 
them  on  board.  This  conduct,  however,  inflamed  the  people 
to  such  a  degree  that  they  attacked  the  party,  killed  eight  of 
them,  carried  the  others  ashore,  and  destroyed  the  vessel. 
The  leader,  Jenkins,  escaped  and  returned  to  China. 
In  March,  1868,  shortly  after  this  event,  the  United  States 

ship  Shenandoah, 
then  in  Chinese 
waters,  visited  Ko- 
rea. Upon  her  re- 
turn, in  May,  1868, 
the  commander  re- 
port e  d  that  al- 
though  he  had 
slight  intercourse 


with  some  of  the  na- 
tives on  the  coast, 
he  had  failed  to 
learn  anything  in 
reference  to  the  de- 
struction of  the 
Sherman  and  the 
fate  of  the  persons 
captured  on  board 
that  vessel. 
In  April  follow- 
ing, commissioners  from  Korea  were  sent  to  Shanghai  with 
the  object  of  learning  the  state  of  feeling  with  reference 
to  the  destruction  of  the  Sherman  and  the  killing  of  the 
persons  on  board  that  vessel,  and  to  consult  with  the  United 
States  consul  general  as  to  the  propriety  of  sending  an  em- 


RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA,   SAMOA,   AND  SIAM.  285 

bassy  to  Washington  to  explain  the  circumstances  connected 
with  the  affair.  They  also  represented  that  their  govern- 
ment was  considering  the  question  of  proposing  the  adoption 
of  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  commerce  between  the  two 
nations.  Mr.  Seward,  becoming  interested  in  the  subject, 
communicated  some  suggestions  to  the  Department  of  State  in 
reference  to  the  propriety  of  making  such  a  treaty  and  the 
correspondence  was  continued  for  some  time.  Meanwhile 
Admiral  Rogers  of  the  United  States  Navy,  then  in  Chinese 
waters,  also  addressed  our  government  upon  the  same  subject 
and  urged  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  for  the  protection  of 
shipwrecked  seamen. 

After  prolonged  consideration  the  secretary  of  state  in- 
structed Mr.  Frederick  F.  Low,  our  minister  to  China,  to 
confer  with  the  Chinese  government  in  reference  to  the 
conclusion  of  a  treaty  with  Korea.  This  course  was  adopted 
for  the  reason  that  Korea  was,  in  some  respects,  tributary 
to  China  and  it  was  therefore  deemed  proper  and  advisable 
to  secure  first  the  good  will  and,  if  practicable,  the  good  offices 
of  that  government.  The  Chinese  minister  of  foreign  rela- 
tions, with  characteristic  eastern  diplomacy,  had  little  to 
say  upon  the  subject  that  might  involve  him  in  any  re- 
sponsibility, but  took  occasion  to  inform  Mr.  Low  that 
their  relations  with  Korea  were  not  such  as  to  prevent  the 
latter  country  from  making  such  a  treaty. 

The  preliminaries  having  been  as  far  as  possible  arranged, 
the  American  commissioners,  Mr.  Low,  Admiral  Rogers,  and 
Mr.  Seward,  with  a  squadron  consisting  of  the  United 
States  vessels  Colorado,  Alaska,  Benicia,  Monocacy,  and 
Palos,  sailed  from  China,  and  arrived,  May  30,  1871,  off  the 
coast  of  Korea  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salee  River,  fifty  miles 
from  Seoul,  the  capital  of  the  country.  Some  of  the  natives, 
after  the  display  of  their  customary  caution  and  reserve,  were 


-Si;  in  i.    UNITED  STATES   AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

induced,  by  the  friendly  demonstrations  of  the  Americans,  to 
come  on  board,  where  they  wire  entertained  with  kindness 
and  attention  and  informed  of  the  object  of  the  visit.  They 
were  also  advised  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  admiral 
to  send  a  surveying  party  up  the  river  on  the  following  day  for 
the  purpose  of  marking  out  the  channel,  to  which  he  hoped  no 
objections  would  be  made  ;  and  he  requested  that  the  na- 
tives might  be  informed  of  their  object  and  that,  as  their 
mission  was  peaceful,  no  hostile  demonstrations  might  be 
made  toward  them.  The  natives  replied  that  there  would 
be  no  trouble  about  the  survey  but  that,  in  the  matter  of  a 
treaty,  the  people  and  the  king  were  averse  to  contracting 
relations  with  foreign  powers. 

The  surveying  party,  in  the  Palos,  Monocacy,  and  some 
steam  launches,  started  on  June  1,  1871,  making  soundings 
and  scientific  observations,  but,  upon  arriving  at  a  sharp  angle 
some  distance  up  the  river,  batteries  on  either  side  of  the 
stream  were  unmasked  and  fire  opened  upon  the  Americans. 
The  vessels  however  soon,  silenced  the  batteries  and  drove 
the  natives  from  their  forts,  after  which  they  returned  to 
the  squadron.  Some  days  were  spent,  after  this  occurrence,  in 
a  correspondence  with  the  local  officials  with  a  view  to  a 
peaceful  adjustment  of  affairs,  but  their  stubborn  reticence 
rendered  every  effort  futile.  Although  informed  that  an 
apology  for  the  attack  upon  the  surveying  party  was  expected 
from  them,  they  studiously  ignored  the  subject  in  their  replies 
to  the  commissioners.  Another  expedition  was  therefore 
arranged  and  sailed  up  the  river  on  June  10,  1871,  returning 
two  days  later,  after  having  captured  five  forts,  which, 
with  the  munitions  of  war  found  in  them,  were  destroyed. 

Our  minister,  Mr.  Low,  now  made  another  effort  to  open 
negotiations  with  the  government  by  sending  ashore  a  letter 
directed  to  the  king,  which  was  promptly  returned  unopened. 


RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA,   SAMOA,   AND   SIAM.  287 

He  again  addressed  a  communication  to  the  king  and  sent 
ashore  an  interpreter  to  deliver  it  and  to  explain  to  the  people 
the  necessity  for  its  transmission  to  their  sovereign  ;  but  this 
also  was  returned  with  a  message  that  no  one  could  be  found 
who  would  dare  convey  it  to  the  capital.  Mr.  Low  finally 
concluded,  in  view  of  the  circumstances,  that  any  further 
efforts  would  be  useless,  so  he  returned  shortly  afterwards  to 
his  post.  Admiral  Rogers  lingered  for  some  time  in  the 
vicinity,  but  he  too  became  convinced  that  no  practical  results 
could  be  accomplished  and  sailed  with  his  squadron  for  China 
and  Japan.  Our  government  was  duly  advised  of  the  failure 
of  the  expedition  and,  seeing  no  hope  of  accomplishing 
anything  further  without  a  display  of  force  in  Korean  waters, 
all  plans  for  opening  negotiations  with  the  Korean  govern- 
ment were  indefinitely  postponed. 

In  1874  there  was  a  bloodless  revolution  in  Korea,  in  con- 
sequence of  which  the  ruler,  who  was  a  usurper,  was  deposed 
and  the  lawful  successor  to  the  crown  was  placed  on  the 
throne.  The  tyrannies  previously  suffered  by  the  people  were 
mitigated  and,  although  the  policy  of  nonintercourse  with 
other  nations  was  still  adhered  to,  yet  public  interest  was 
excited  upon  the  subject.  The  embassies  annually  sent  to 
China  had  become  acquainted  with  the  purpose  of  the  attempt 
by  the  Americans  to  establish  amicable  relations  with  the 
people  of  Korea  ;  and  the  natives  who  visited  China  took  with 
them  on  their  return  books  and  papers  relating  to  foreign 
countries,  from  which  was  derived  general  knowledge  of 
the  policies  that  governed  these  nations. 

In  the  meantime,  Japan  became  involved  in  a  war  with 
Korea,  and,  having  prosecuted  the  conflict  to  a  successful  con- 
clusion, a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed,  by  the  terms  of  which 
various  ports  of  Korea  were  opened  to  the  commerce  of  Japan. 
This  event  marked  the  epoch  of  the  opening  of  Korea  to 


288  THE   UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

the  outside  world,  since  we  find  that  the  people  were  after- 
wards permitted  to  leave  and  return  to  their  country,  and 
were  even  allowed  to  carry  their  produce  to  foreign  markets, 
and  to  take  home  with  them  the  products  of  other  countries. 

The  conditions  for  negotiations  with  the  government  having 
now  assumed  a  more  favorable  character,  the  United  States 
again  made  an  effort  in  that  direction.  Admiral  Shufeldt  of 
the  American  navy  was  intrusted  with  the  delicate  mission, 
which  was  discharged  with  such  success  that,  on  May  22,  1882, 
he  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace,  amity,  and  commerce  with 
Korea,  the  ratifications  of  which  were  exchanged  at  the  capital 
on  May  19,  1883.  This  was  the  first  treaty  made  with  any 
power  except  Japan.  By  its  terms  ample  aid  and  protection  is 
to  be  extended  to  our  vessels  and  seamen  as  well  as  to  our  citi- 
zens who  may  travel  through  or  reside  in  the  country ;  and 
certain  ports  were  declared  open  to  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States.    This  treaty  was  proclaimed  on  June  4,  1883. 

Mr.  Lucius  H.  Foote,  the  first  minister  of  the  United  States 
to  Korea,  arrived  there  and  assumed  the  functions  of  his  office 
in  May,  1883.  He  made  a  favorable  impression  upon  the 
government  and  so  fully  convinced  the  king  of  the  friendly 
interest  and  peaceable  intentions  of  the  United  States  that,  on 
July  6,  1883,  it  was  determined,  in  state  council,  to  send  two 
plenipotentiaries  on  a  special  mission  to  our  country.  They 
were  accordingly  dispatched  with  credentials  to  our  govern- 
ment and  duly  arrived  at  Washington,  where  they  were 
received  by  President  Arthur  with  cordial  demonstrations  of 
friendship  and  treated  with  the  attentions  pertaining  to  their 
distinguished  character.  Our  government  has  been  fortunate 
in  the  selection  of  our  diplomatic  representatives  to  Korea,  all 
of  whom  have  cultivated  friendly  relations  with  that  people 
and  have  acquainted  them  with  the  character,  resources,  and 
policies  of  our  government.    It  is  doubtless  due  to  this  fact 


RELATIONS   WITH   KOREA,   SAMOA,    AND   SIAM.  289 

that  Americans  are  highly  esteemed  there  and  the  relations 
between  the  two  governments  are  in  perfect  harmony. 
The  Kingdom  of  Samoa. 

The  kingdom  of  Samoa,  popularly  known  as  Navigator's 
Islands,  was  discovered  in  1772  by  a  Dutchman  named  Rozen- 
wein,  and  is  composed  of  a  group  of  nine  islands  lying  in  the 
Pacific  Ocean  five  thousand  miles  southwest  of  San  Francisco, 
with  an  area  of  seventeen  hundred  square  miles,  hardly  as 
large  as  the  state  of  Delaware.  The  population  is  estimated 
at  thirty-five  thousand  souls. 

The  products  of  the  islands  are  varied  and  abundant.  The 
chief  article  of  export  is  "  copra,"  the  dried  meat  of  the  cocoa- 
nut  ;  cotton,  coffee,  indigo,  corn,  potatoes,  arrowroot,  nutmegs, 
mace,  breadfruit,  oranges,  bananas,  and  lemons  are  success- 
fully grown,  but  the  people  are  too  indolent  to  devote  them- 
selves to  agriculture.  The  spontaneous  fruits  of  the  soil  are 
abundant  and  unfailing,  so  that  little  or  no  effort  is  required 
to  provide  the  necessities  of  life. 

Relations  between  the  United  States  and  Samoa  were  first 
opened  by  Commander  Richard  W.  Meade  of  the  American 
navy,  who  visited  the  islands  in  the  man-of-war  Narragan- 
sett  in  1872.  He  entered  the  Pango-Pango  harbor  and  was 
kindly  received  by  the  natives,  to  whom  he  extended  proper 
civilities  and  assurances  of  the  friendship  of  the  United  States 
government.  During  his  stay  he  so  impressed  them  with  the 
prospective  advantages  to  be  gained  by  the  cultivation  of  in- 
timate relations  with  our  country  that  they  readily  consented 
to  cede  to  the  United  States  the  harbor  of  Pango-Pango  as 
port  of  refuge  and  coaling  station,  and  a  treaty  to  that  effect 
was  granted  him.  This  officer  also  induced  the  chiefs  of  the 
island  to  form  a  confederation  for  their  mutual  aid  and  protec- 
tion. 

From  this  date  the  attention  of  our  government  was   di- 


li:.i)  THE   UNITED  STATES   AND    FOREIGN  POWERS. 

rected  toward  the  affairs  of  Samoa,  and  President  Grant,  in 
sponse  to  a  petition  from  the  native  chiefs,  sent  a  special 
commissioner  there  in  1873  to  collect  information  concerning 
the  country  and  the  people.  This  commissioner,  Mr.  Stein- 
berger,  Bailed  from  San  Francisco  and  arrived  at  the  harbor  of 
Pango-Pango,  August,  1S74,  where  he  entered  upon  friendly  re- 
lations with  the  natives  and  visited  and  inspected  the  various 
islands  of  the  group.  He  prepared  and  transmitted  to  the 
President  a  voluminous  and  interesting  report  upon  the  topog- 
raphy and  resources  of  the  islands  and  the  customs  and  char- 
acter of  the  natives. 

The  people  had  been,  for  several  years,  engaged  in  petty 
warfare  among  themselves  with  the  natural  result  that  indus- 
try had  been  abandoned  and  all  development  suspended. 
They  were  now,  however,  quite  wearied  of  strife  and,  to  put 
an  end  to  their  troubles,  were  anxious  to  place  themselves 
under  the  protection  and  authority  of  the  United  States.  A 
petition  to  that  effect  had  been  signed  by  the  chiefs  of  the 
various  islands,  as  well  as  by  a  number  of  foreign  residents 
there,  including  missionaries  and  other  influential  persons, 
and  sent  to  the  President.  Under  the  advice  and  direction  of 
Mr.  Steinberger,  the  various  chiefs  assembled  in  council  and 
framed  a  constitution  and  laws  for  their  united  government ; 
and,  as  soon  as  this  new  government  was  organized,  the  rulers 
and  chiefs,  in  response  to  the  popular  desire,  again  addressed 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  praying  that  our  govern- 
ment might  take  the  country  under  its  protection.  Mr.  Stein- 
berger shortly  afterwards  sailed  for  the  United  States  and  sub- 
mitted to  President  Grant  his  report,  together  with  the  peti- 
tion . 

After  the  lapse  of  two  years,  during  which  time  our  govern- 
ment took  no  action  whatever  in  reference  to  the  subject,  Mr. 
Steinberger  lieeame  impatient  and  resolved  to  return  to  Samoa, 


RELATIONS   WITH   KOREA,   SAMOA,   AND  SIAM.  291 

with  the  purpose,  as  it  appears,  of  taking  part  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  island.  He  arrived  there  in  1S75  and  soon  after, 
under  his  counsel  and  supervision,  the  government  was  reor- 
ganized, the  chief  Malietoa  was  chosen  king,  and  Mr.  Stein- 
berger  was  appointed  his  prime  minister.  The  turbulent 
spirit  soon  broke  out  afresh,  however,  among  the  jealous 
chiefs,  and  this  government  fell  to  pieces  in  the  following 
year,  Chief  Malietoa  having  been  dethroned  and  Mr.  Stein- 
berger  banished  from  the  country. 

The  new  government,  under  the  direction  of  a  council 
of  chiefs,  started  out  very  well  and  maintained  peace  for  a 
considerable  time.  During  its  administration  the  United 
States  negotiated  a  treaty  by  the  terms  of  which  the  port  of 
Pango-Pango  was  definitely  secured  and  free  commerce  was 
granted  to  us.  Soon  after  this  event  the  affairs  of  state  again 
began  to  assume  a  portentous  aspect  and  the  country  reached 
the  verge  of  a  fresh  revolution.  The  consular  and  naval  au- 
thorities of  the  United  States,  England,  and  Germany,  then 
in  Samoa,  having  been  appealed  to,  it  wras  decided  that  Malie- 
toa was  entitled  to  be  recognized  as  king,  and  he  was  accord- 
ingly anointed  and  proclaimed  in  May,  1879. 

The  history  of  this  government  for  a  series  of  years  is  a 
tale  of  strife  and  jealousies,  the  opposition  to  the  king  being 
fostered  and  encouraged  by  the  German  residents,  who  had, 
in  many  cases,  acquired  lands  by  questionable  means  and 
quite  monopolized  the  trade  of  the  islands.  At  last  a  crisis 
was  precipitated  in  1884,  when  the  German  consul  concluded 
an  agreement  with  the  Samoan  council  providing  for  the  cre- 
ation of  a  German-Samoan  council  of  government.  The  king 
refused  to  execute  the  terms  of  this  agreement,  which  so  ex- 
asperated the  German  consul  that  he  raised  his  flag  over  Apia 
and  took  possession  of  the  municipality  in  the  name  of  his 
government.    The  rebellion  of  Tamasese,  an  aspirant  to  the 


292  THE   UNITED   STATES   AND   FOREIGN   POWERS. 

throne,  now  assumed  formidable  proportions,  and,  with  the 
aid  and  encouragement  of  the  Germans,  he  was  soon  declared 
king.  Malietoa  was  overthrown  and  carried  away  from  the 
islands  in  a  German  man-of-war. 

This  action  on  the  part  of  the  German  authorities  justly 
aroused  intense  excitement  in  the  United  States.  It  was  re- 
garded by  our  people  as  an  attempt  to  establish  a  protectorate 
over  Samoa  that  would  result  in  the  ruin  of  our  interests  and, 
ultimately,  in  annexation  to  the  German  Empire.  Decisive 
measures  were  promptly  adopted  by  the  United  States  chal- 
lenging the  conduct  of  Germany,  the  result  of  which  was  that 
the  commissioners,  appointed  by  the  United  States,  England, 
and  Germany,  for  the  amicable  adjustment  of  the  difficulty, 
declared  that  the  pretensions  of  Tamasese  were  to  be  discoun- 
tenanced and  Malietoa  replaced  upon  the  throne.  The  neu- 
trality of  Samoa  was  guaranteed,  its  independence  was  recog- 
nized, the  right  of  the  natives  to  choose  their  own  ruler  was 
established,  and  the  citizens  of  the  three  powers  were  declared 
to  have  equal  rights  in  the  islands.  A  supreme  court  was 
created,  consisting  of  one  judge  appointed  by  the  king  of 
Sweden  and  Norway,  to  whom  are  referred  all  suits  respecting 
real  property,  all  causes  between  natives  and  foreigners,  and 
all  crimes  committed  by  the  natives  against  foreigners.  All 
future  alienation  of  lands,  except  with  certain  specified  excep- 
tions, is  also  prohibited. 

This  policy,  ratified  by  the  three  powers,  has  been  promptly 
executed,  and  the  government  of  Malietoa,  thus  supported, 
gave  peace  to  the  country  as  long  as  he  lived ;  but  after  his 
death,  in  the  spring  of  1899,  the  followers  of  Mataafa,  with  the 
encouragement  of  several  German  residents  and  the  German 
Consul,  attempted  to  place  their  chief  upon  the  throne.  A 
serious  disturbance  occurred,  during  which  several  hundred 
lives  were  sacrificed— including  those  of  Lieut.  Lansdale  and 


RELATIONS  WITH  KOREA,   SAMOA,   AND  SIAM.  293 

Ensign  Monahan  of  the  United  States  Navy,  and  Lieut.  Free- 
man of  the  British  Navy — and  considerable  property  destroyed. 
The  Ambassadors  of  Great  Britain  and  Germany  at  Washing- 
ton, in  conferences  with  Secretary  Hay,  reached  an  amicable 
agreement  to  send  a  commission  of  one  delegate  from  each 
country  to  Samoa  to  settle  affairs  and  recommend  a  plan  of 
permanent  government  for  the  island  less  awkward  and  com- 
plicated than  the  present  one. 

Siam. 

Very  little  is  known  of  the  ancient  history  of  the  kingdom. 
It  is  inhabited  by  a  heterogeneous  population  that,  in  phys- 
ical characteristics,  customs,  and  manners,  is  closely  related 
to  the  Hindoos  and  Chinese,  and  has  been,  from  time  to 
time,  further  reinforced  by,  and  amalgamated  with,  a  con- 
siderable emigration  from  those  countries  as  well  as  from  the 
islands  on  the  south.  Its  boundaries,  too,  are  as  yet  unde- 
fined, though  its  area  is  popularly  estimated  at  250,000  square 
miles  or  nearly  that  of  the  state  of  Texas.  The  number  of  in- 
habitants also  is  only  approximately  known,  since  there  has 
never  been  an  official  census.  Various  authorities  state  the 
number  of  souls  at  6,000,000,  of  which  only  about  one  third 
are  Siamese. 

The  trade  of  Siam  has  been  tributary  to  China  from  a  re- 
mote period  and  is  still  principally  carried  on  with  that  coun- 
try although,  in  recent  years,  the  English  commerce  has 
grown  to  considerable  proportions.  The  exports  in  1884, 
amounted  to  nearly  $12,000,000,  more  than  one  half  of  which 
consisted  of  rice.  The  imports  for  the  same  period  were 
valued  at  about  $5,200,000  and  were  made  up  of  silk  goods, 
tea,  opium,  and  English  cottons.  The  exports,  generally  in 
excess  of  imports,  are  paid  for  in  foreign  silver,  which  is  re- 
coined  into  the  currency  of  the  country. 

Although  the  ruler  of  Siam  possesses  autocratic  power,  it 


294  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN   POWERS. 

is  rarely  exercised.  The  code  of  laws  is  old  and  vener- 
ated  and,  though  crude  and  incomplete,  all  decrees  and  judg- 
ments are  intended  to  be  based  upon  it.  In  cases  of  ambigu- 
ity, the  courts  are  governed  by  precedent ;  and  this  custom  is 
so  general  and  strong  that  much  of  the  civil  and  criminal  pro- 
cedure derives  force  and  efficacy  from  the  unwritten  law. 

Buddhism  is  the  religion  of  the  country  and  the  large  and 
costly  temples,  richly  ornamented  and  stocked  with  grotesque 
and  gigantic  idols,  form  a  conspicuous  feature  in  every  part  of 
the  land.  The  numerous  religious  festivals  are  seasons  of  great 
rejoicing  and  amusement.  Even  funeral  rites  are  accom- 
panied with  banquets,  dancing,  and  similar  diversions,  and, 
after  burning  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  the  ashes  are  preserved 
in  urns  or,  being  mixed  with  lime,  serve  to  plaster  the  temple 
walls. 

Bangkok,  the  capital,  is  a  city  of  500,000  inhabitants,  and  is 
located  on  both  sides  of  the  large  river  Chow  Payah,  about 
thirty  miles  from  its  mouth.  The  city  extends  for  six  miles 
along  its  banks  and  is  so  intersected  by  canals  and  small 
streams  running  in  all  directions  through  the  city  that  the 
place  is  appropriately  styled  the  "  Venice  of  the  East." 
Thousands  of  shops  and  dwellings,  built  upon  bamboo  floats, 
line  the  shores  for  miles,  and  boats  are  exclusively  used  for 
visiting  all  parts  of  the  city.  It  is  situated  in  a  vast  plain 
that  is  covered  with  rice  fields  and,  although  destitute  of 
sanitary  improvements,  is  considered  very  healthy.  Its  im- 
portance as  the  capital  and  chief  commercial  port  of  the 
kingdom  has  attracted  to  it  a  large  body  of  European  and  Asi- 
atic residents,  and,  with  submarine  cable,  mail  and  telegraphic 
facilities,  telephone  exchanges,  gas  and  electric  light  plants, 
and  other  necessary  or  convenient  appendages  of  modern  civ- 
ilization, the  city  is  becoming  quite  cosmopolitan. 

The  Siamese  are  not  a  literary  people,  yet  education  is  gen- 


RELATIONS  WITH   KOREA,    SAMOA,    AND   SIAM.  295 

erally  diffused  among  all  classes.     Their  system  of  writing, 
which  is  quite  as  slow  as  the  forming  of  English  capital  let- 
ters with  the  pen,  makes  the  preparation  of  manuscript  a  long 
and  tedious  process.    Yet  they  have  some  printing  presses, 
from  which  the  natives  have  issued  elementary  schoolbooks 
and  Buddhist  volumes  for  the  priests.     The  Protestant  mis- 
sionaries established  the  first  printing  press  in  Siam  in  1836 
and,  since  that  date,  they  have  printed  and  distributed  many 
thousands  of  volumes  among  the  people,  consisting  mainly  of 
the  Gospels,  Pilgrim's  Progress,  Life  of  Christ,  Evidences  of 
Christianity,  and  other  books  of  a  similar  character.    Their 
long-continued  and  persistent  efforts  have  been  crowned  with 
•abundant  success,  their  missions  are  in  a  flourishing  condition 
and  no  more  inviting  field  has  been  opened  for  the  extension 
of  the  Protestant  religion. 

Our  treaty  relations  with  the  government  of  Siam  were  first 
established  in  1833,  when  Mr.  Edmund  Roberts  was  commis- 
sioned by  President  Jackson  to  visit  the  courts  of  Cochin- 
China,  Siam,  and  Muscat  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  arrange- 
ments for  the  protection  of  our  seamen  and  the  extension  of 
American  commerce.  At  the  time  of  his  visit  our  shipping 
was  subjected  to  every  species  of  extortion  that  eastern  av- 
arice so  well  knew  how  to  impose  upon  it,  and  American  citi- 
zens were  exposed  to  the  penalties  of  laws  that  gave  to  the 
creditor  power  over  the  life  as  well  as  the  property  of  the 
debtor.  The  success  of  the  mission  was  fully  attained  by  the 
abrogation  of  these  harsh  provisions  and  the  securing  of 
necessary  and  proper  guarantees  for  the  protection  of  our  ships 
and  seamen.  Our  relations  with  the  kingdom  of  Siam,  since 
that  date,  have  been  undisturbed  by  any  untoward  incident, 
and  our  commerce  with  the  country,  though  inconsiderable  as 
yet,  has  enjoyed  all  the  rights  and  immunities  which  are  ex- 
tended to  that  of  the  most  favored  nation. 


CHAPTEE   XXII. 

RELATIONS    WITH    THE    CONGO   STATE   AND   THE    HAWAIIAN 

ISLANDS. 

The  Congo  State. 

During  the  last  decade  an  association  was  formed  in  Europe 
for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a  government  and  developing 
the  resources  of  that  vast  portion  of  equatorial  Africa, 
which  Henry  M.  Stanley  has  so  successfully  explored.  This 
association,  called  "  ComitS  aV Etudes  du  Haut  Congo,''1  and 
afterwards  substantially  merged  into  "  The  International 
African  Association,"  had  as  its  president,  King  Leopold  of 
Belgium. 

Portugal  claimed  this  territory,  or  at  least  that  part  of  it 
lying  about  the  lower  Congo,  by  right  of  discovery  by  her 
navigators  in  1484.  Possession  was  taken  at  that  time  in  the 
name  of  Portugal  and  a  colony  called  Zaire  was  founded.  In 
various  treaties  with  Spain  dating  from  1668  to  1713  Portugal's 
right  to  the  Congo  country  was  conceded.  During  the  conti- 
nental war  in  the  eighteenth  century  she  was  dispossessed  of 
her  African  colonies  but  by  skillful  diplomacy  she  managed  to 
regain  them  in  1763.  Early  in  this  century  England  at- 
tempted to  effect  by  diplomatic  means,  the  abolition  of  the 
slave  trade  carried  on  by  Portugal.  The  latter  government, 
however,  was  unwilling  to  discontinue  a  trade  which  formed 
the  bulk  of  her  income  from  Africa.  But  in  1810  she  was  in- 
duced to  join  in  a  treaty  to  suppress  the  traffic.    Shortly  after- 

296 


RELATIONS  WITH  CONGO  AND  HAWAII.  297 

wards,  Great  Britain  had  reason  to  believe  that  Portugal  was 
not  carrying  out  the  purpose  of  the  treaty  and  a  series  of  new 
treaties  was  concluded  in  which  more  stringent  measures  were 
adopted.  Portugal  made  a  proclamation  expressly  prohibit- 
ing the  slave  trade  and  gave  England  permission  to  overhaul 
and  search  vessels  off  the  coast  of  the  Portuguese  African  col- 
onies. Even  with  such  measures  the  slave  trade  continued 
until  1871,  when  the  Portuguese  government  was  able  to  an- 
nounce to  Great  Britain  that  the  inhuman  traffic  was  at  an 

end. 

During  the  period  from  1810  to   1871  Portuguese  power  on 
the  African  coast  steadily  declined.    Commercial  enterprises 
of  various  kinds  had  been  started  by   Dutch,  French,   and 
English  traders  along  the  seaboard  and  for  some  distance  into 
the  interior.    Over  each  one   of  these   establishments    was 
hoisted  the  flag  of  the  nation  to  which  the  proprietors  be- 
longed.   The  far  interior,  into  which  Stanley  had  penetrated, 
was  divided  among  many  petty  chieftains,  who  acknowledged 
no  sovereignty  save  their  own.    Beginning  in  1880  the  Inter- 
national Association  had  negotiated  about  one  hundred  trea- 
ties with  these  African  chiefs,  who  surrendered  in  consideration 
of  "presents  "  a  territory  which  covers  over  14,000  square  miles. 
By  these  treaties  the  chiefs  and  their  people  were  not  to  be 
actually  dispossessed  of  their  lands  but  were  to  put  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  the  International  African  Association. 
Portugal  became  alarmed  at  these  encroachments  upon  her 
territory  and  in  1884  drew  up  a  treaty  with  England  which 
recognized  the  sovereignty  of  Portugal  over  the  west  coast  of 
Africa  between  the  5th  and  8th  degrees  of  south  latitude  and 
declared  the  navigation  of  the  Congo  and  the  Zambezi  Rivers 
free.      As   a  remuneration   for   recognizing   Portugal's   sov- 
ereignty England  received  the  colony  of  San  Juan  Baptista. 

This  treaty  seemed  a  deathblow  to  the  association.    Portugal's 


29S  THE    UNITED  STATES  AND    FOREIGN  POWERS. 

dominions  upon  the  Congo  were  a  menace  to  the  neutrality  of 
the  recently  acquired  possessions  of  the  association.  Its  plans 
seemed  impossible  and  its  influence  was  fast  waning  when 
a  hitherto  apparently  uninterested  power  appeared  upon  the 
ne  and  revived  its  drooping  fortunes.  No  sooner  had  Eng- 
land by  her  treaty  with  Portugal  discouraged  the  civilizing 
tendencies  of  the  association,  than  Bismarck  set  his  seal  of  ap- 
probation upon  the  movement  and  by  his  diplomacy,  instead 
of  an  association  under  the  patronage  of  private  individuals,  it 
became  a  corporation  to  be  fostered  and  guided  by  the  great 
powers  of  the  world. 

Bismarck  had  well  said  that  the  standing  menace  to  the 
unity  of  the  German  Empire  was  the  ever  increasing  emigra- 
tion of  the  sturdy  Teutonic  stock  to  other  countries.  By  what 
means  could  this  mass  of  people  be  kept  at  home  ?  Only 
by  providing  more  extensive  employment,  and  in  order  to 
do  this,  by  enlarging  the  markets  for  German  manufactures. 
To  gain  this  end  Bismarck  inaugurated  a  regular  colonial 
policy,  which  was  not  to  encourage  the  emigration  of  German 
subjects  but  to  increase  the  manufacture  of  German  wares. 
The  experiment  had  been  tried  in  Samoa  and  in  Fernando  Po, 
of  opening  large  warehouses  for  German  goods  and  of  estab- 
lishing lines  of  German  merchant  vessels  to  supply  them  with 
the  articles  for  which  there  was  a  demand.  Samoa  and  Fer- 
nando Po  rapidly  came  under  German  influence  and  exports 
to  those  ports  became  a  considerable  part  of  the  commerce 
of  the  German  Empire. 

By  the  efforts  of  the  International  Congo  Association  an 
enormous  tract  of  land  had  been  opened  whose  population  con- 
siderably  exceeded  a  million  souls.  By  the  introduction  of 
civilization,  the  wants  of  these  people  were  to  be  increased 
and,  as  the  prospects  pointed  to  a  rapid  growth  of  population 
by  immigration,  there  was  an  opening  for  German  trade  which 


RELATIONS  WITH   CONGO  AND   HAWAII.  299 

would  make  that  with  Samoa  sink  into  comparative  insignifi- 
cance. 

Bismarck  set  about  to  gain  the  co-operation  of  France  and 
England  in  support  of  the  association.  To  England  he  wrote 
that  Germany  could  not  respect  the  right  of  parties  who 
had  been  previously  interested  on  the  Congo.  With  such 
an  announcement  as  this  and  with  all  of  England's  com- 
mercial interests  demanding  that  the  government  should  lend 
its  aid  to  the  association,  the  British  minister  hesitated  to 
ratify,  and  finally  rejected  the  treaty  so  lately  drawn  up 
with  Portugal. 

Bismarck  next  secured  the  good  will  of  France  by  offering  to 
abandon  any  German  occupation  in  Africa,  should  it  be 
considered  prejudicial  to  French  interests  and  he  proceeded  to 
show  the  inestimable  advantage  which  would  accrue  to 
the  French  by  co-operation  in  the  plans  of  the  association. 
The  United  States  had  already  signified  its  approval  of  the 
plans  of  the  association  and  on  the  22d  day  of  April,  1884, 
President  Arthur  with  the  advise  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
recognized  the  flag  of  the  International  African  Association  (a 
golden  star  on  a  field  of  blue),  as  that  of  a  friendly  govern- 
ment, avoiding  in  doing  so  any  prejudgment  of  conflicting 
territorial  claims  that  might  be  involved. 

By  this  time,  the  association  having  received  a  strong  back- 
ing, by  Germany,  France,  England,  and  tbe  United  States, 
Bismarck  issued  an  invitation  to  the  powers  of  Europe  and 
to  the  United  States  to  a  conference  to  be  held  at  Berlin  on  the 
15th  of  November,  1884,  to  consider  and  decide  upon  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Congo  and  also  upon  the  establishment  of 
rules  which  would  govern  future  occupations  on  the  west  coast 
of  Africa.  It  was  expressly  stipulated  that  all  questions  of 
sovereignty  should  be  left  untouched.  Accordingly  on  the 
day  appointed,   representatives  from  nearly  all  the  powers 


300  THE    UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

appeared  al  Berlin  and,  for  the  first  time  in  history,  repre- 
sentative from  the  United  States  joined  in  a  diplomatic 
conference  with  the  powers  of  Europe. 

After  a  brief  discussion,  the  navigation  of  the  Congo  was 
declared  free  to  all  the  powers  of  the  world  and  future  occupa- 
tions on  the  coast  were  to  be  regulated  by  a  new  association, 
"The  International  Conference  of  the  Navigation  and  Com- 
merce of  the  Congo."  This  commission  was  authorized  to 
main  tain  sufficient  authority  to  insure  peace,  and  Great 
Britain  was  given  the  supervision  of  it. 

Although  the  International  African  Association  as  such 
did  not  enter  into  the  deliberations  at  the  conference,  yet 
the  important  questions  which  concerned  it  were  settled. 
These  out  of  the  way,  the  association  was  on  a  sure  footing 
and  almost  immediately  after  the  conference  ended,  it  de- 
veloped into  a  political  entity,  called  the  "  Congo  Free  State." 
With  this  new  power  nearly  all  of  the  nations  represented 
at  Berlin  negotiated  treaties  of  recognition  and  friendship. 

It  was  a  novel  spectacle  in  international  politics, — a  state 
actually  created  by  the  good  will  of  the  great  powers  of  the 
world,  with  its  recognition  immediate  and  its  independence 
guaranteed.  Germany  is,  perhaps,  its  guardian,  but  the 
United  States  is  its  godfather.  The  territory  of  the  new  state 
was  made  known  to  the  world  by  Stanley,  and  our  govern- 
ment was  the  first  to  recognize  its  existence  as  an  institution 
by  declaring  that,  "  in  harmony  with  the  traditional  policy  of 
the  United  States — this  government  announces  its  sympathy 
with,  and  approval  of,  the  humane  and  benevolent  purposes  of 
the  International  Association  of  the  Congo  and  will  order  the 
officers  of  the  United  States  on  land  and  sea,  to  recognize 
the  flag  of  the  International  African  Association  as  the  flag  of 
a  friendly  government." 
On  the  first  of  August,  1885,  King  Leopold  wrote  to  President 


RELATIONS  WITH   CONGO  AND   HAWAII.  301 

Cleveland,  "Now  that  the  position  of  the  association  in  an 
international  point  of  view,  that  its  territorial  position  is 
established,  that  its  mission  has  received  valuable  encourage- 
ment, I  am  prepared  to  bring  to  your  notice  and  to  that  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  that  the  possessions  of  the  Inter- 
national Association  of  the  Congo  will  hereafter  form  the 
Independent  State  of  the  Congo.  I  have  at  the  same  time, 
the  honor  to  inform  you  that,  authorized  by  the  Belgian 
Chambres,  I  have  taken  the  title  of  sovereign  of  the  Independ- 
ent State  of  the  Congo." 

The  union  between  Belgium  and  the  new  state  was  to  be 
wholly  personal  and  President  Cleveland  replied,  "  I  con- 
gratulate your  majesty  on  being  called  to  the  chief  magistracy 
of  the  newly  formed  government  and  the  people  of  the  United 
States  cannot  doubt  that,  under  your  majesty's  good  gov- 
ernment, the  people  of  the  Congo  region  will  advance  in 
the  paths  of  civilization  and  deserve  the  good  will  of  all  those 
states  and  people,  which  may  be  brought  into  contact  with 
them." 

"Whatever  the  resources  of  the  new  state  may  be,  and  the  re- 
ports on  that  subject  are  very  conflicting,  the  method  of  its 
organization  is  strikingly  novel  and  is  a  proof  of  the  human- 
izing tendencies  in  nineteenth  century  politics. 
The  Hawaiian  or  Sandwich  Islands. 

The  Hawaiian  Islands,  comprising  a  group  of  eight  inhab- 
ited and  four  uninhabited  islands,  are  the  most  important  in 
the  north  Pacific  Ocean,  and,  lying  directly  in  the  track  of 
commerce  between  America  and  Asia  and  nearly  equidistant 
from  the  two  continents,  their  value  to  the  United  States  as 
a  port  of  refuge,  as  well  as  the  seat  of  a  profitable  and  flour- 
ishing trade,  is  fully  recognized  and  appreciated.  They  are 
located  between  the  nineteenth  and  twenty-second  degrees 
of  north  latitude,  nearly  corresponding  to  the  latitude  of  the 


802  THE   UNITED  BTATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

island  of  Cuba,  and  their  area,  excluding  that  of  the  four  un- 
Inhabited  Islands,  Is  estimated  at  4,250,000  acres,  or  about 
6,640  square  miles;  of  this  amount  about  2,500,000  acres,  or 
about  3,900  square  miles,  are  included  in  the  area  of  the  island 
of  Hawaii.  The  population,  according  to  the  census  of  1890, 
amounted  to  90,000  souls,  comprising  34,500  natives,  15,000 
Chinese,  1^,000  Japanese,  8,500  Portuguese,  and  the  remainder 
of  various  nationalities,  nearly  two  thousand  of  whom  are 
Americans.  At  the  discovery  of  these  islands  by  Captain 
Cook  in  1778,  the  population  was  estimated  at  200,000,  but, 
from  official  and  other  data,  obtained  at  various  periods  since 
that  date,  it  appears  that  the  native  race  is  in  the  course  of 
gradual  extinction.  This  is  ascribed  to  the  fact  that  leprosy 
and  other  diseases  have  been  introduced  from  abroad  as  well 
as  to  the  reason  that  the  female  population  is  much  smaller 
than  that  of  the  other  sex  and  that  only  about  one  of  three 
married  women  bears  children. 

The  natives  of  Hawaii  are,  in  stature  and  development,  as 
fine  as  those  of  any  of  the  Pacific  islands.  They  have  a  reddish- 
brown  complexion,  very  black  and  straight  or  wavy  hair, 
broad  faces,  thick  lips,  thin  beards,  and  rather  flat  noses.  They 
are  naturally  a  good-tempered,  light-hearted,  and  pleasure- 
loving  people,  fond  of  sports,  swimming,  and  horseback 
riding.  They  are  besides  a  brave  and  fearless  race,  though  by 
no  means  bloodthirsty  or  revengeful ;  and,  while  they  have 
always  kindly  received  and  hospitably  entertained  strangers, 
tl icy  have  never  hesitated  to  resent  the  insults  and  repel  the 
attacks  of  those  wandering  buccaneers  who,  like  the  followers 
of  Captain  Cook,  have  sought  to  degrade  their  men  and  de- 
bauch their  women. 

The  field,  orchard,  and  garden  products  of  the  islands  are 
Generally  the  same  as  those  of  Cuba,  except  that  corn,  wheat, 
and  rice  are  also  grown  in  considerable  quantities.      Sugar, 


RELATIONS  WITH  CONGO   AND   HAWAII.  303 

however,  is  the  chief  staple  agricultural  product,  of  which 
250,000,000  pounds,  valued  at  $12,159,585,  were  exported  in 
1890.  The  total  exports  of  all  products  during  that  year 
amounted  to  $13,023,000,  and  the  imports  for  the  same  period 
amounted  to  the  sum  of  $6,962,000.  The  sugar  industry  was 
enormously  stimulated  by  the  reciprocity  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  Hawaii  that  was  proclaimed  in  1875,  by  the 
terms  of  which  the  sugar  from  these  islands  was  admitted 
free  of  duty  into  United  States  ports ;  and  this  measure, 
amounting  to  a  bonus  of  almost  ten  cents  per  pound  on  their 
sugar,  gave  them  a  degree  of  prosperity  never  before  enjoyed 
and  diverted  ninety-one  per  cent  of  their  trade  to  the  United 
States.  The  passage  of  the  McKinley  bill,  however,  remov- 
ing the  tariff  upon  the  raw  sugar  of  the  West  Indies,  threatened 
the  prosperity  of  the  sugar  interests  of  Hawaii ;  since,  owing 
to  high-priced  labor,  dear  food  supplies,  and  the  difference  in 
freights,  the  sugar  planters  there  could  not  compete  with  those 
of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico.  It  proved,  however,  a  blessing  in 
disguise,  because,  when  the  sugar  interests  were  threatened,  the 
planters  were  led  to  direct  their  attention  to  the  cultivation  of 
coffee,  which  is  an  equally  profitable  crop.  The  prospect  of 
success  from  this  diversion  of  their  agricultural  interests  is 
heightened  by  the  fact  that  the  islands  are  the  natural  habitat 
of  the  coffee  plant,  and  that,  while  the  wild  berry  is  of  quite  as 
good  quality  as  that  from  South  America,  the  cultivated  article 
is  fully  equal  to  that  of  Java.  The  serious  phase  of  the  case 
seems  to  be  involved  in  the  fact  that  labor  is  thrice  as  dear  as 
in  South  America,  but  this  apprehension  loses  much  of  its  ap- 
parent force  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  coffee  planter 
may  cultivate  his  lands  with  one  tenth  of  the  labor  that  is 
required  to  till  them  in  sugar. 

The  climate  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  is  remarkably  genial 
and  propitious,  for,  although  they  are  situated  in  the  torrid 


304  Mil.    UNITED  STATES  AND  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

/one,  their  natural  Isolation  exposes  them  to  refreshing  sea 
breezes,  and,  for  nine  months  of  the  year,  to  the  steady  blow- 
ing northeast  trade  winds.  Scarcely  a  country  can  be  found 
where  the  temperature  is  more  equable  and  the  elements  kind- 
lier mixed.  The  diurnal  range  of  the  thermometer  is  twelve 
degrees  and  the  extremes  mark  fifty-three  and  ninety  degrees. 
The  lofty  mountain  peaks,  some  of  which  are  covered  with 
perpetual  snows,  that  form  such  a  distinguishing  feature  of 
these  islands,  afford  a  charming  diversity  of  temperature  ;  for 
at  the  height  of  four  thousand  feet  the  thermometer  ranges 
from  forty  to  seventy  degrees  and  fires  are  often  comfortable 
even  in  the  month  of  July.  The  vast  quantities  of  vapor 
floating  up  from  the  sea  drape  the  mountain  tops  in  fantastic 
summer  clouds  or,  condensed  by  the  cooler  atmosphere  of 
these  high  elevations,  fall  in  refreshing  showers  upon  the  hills 
and  valleys  below. 

Upon  approaching  Hawaii  the  objects  that  first  engage 
the  attention  and  enlist  the  admiration  of  the  beholder  are  the 
stupendous  volcanic  mountains,  apparently  rising  abruptly 
from  the  sea  and  lifting  their  summits  two  and  a  half  miles 
into  the  sky.  Clad  in  perennial  verdure  and  isolated  in  their 
grand  proportions,  they  appear,  from  the  distant  ships,  like 
stupendous  curtains  hung  up  upon  the  azure  heavens.  One  of 
these,  Kilauea,  is  the  largest  active  volcano  in  the  world. 
Its  crater,  four  thousand  feet  above  sea  level,  is  three  and  a 
half  miles  long  and  two  and  a  half  miles  wide  ;  within  this 
and  filling  its  area  to  the  brim  is  a  lake  of  boiling  lava,  which, 
at  night,  illumines  the  overhanging  clouds  and  skies  and 
which,  in  periods  of  great  eruption,  rolls  in  rapid  seething 
rivers  down  through  forests  and  over  precipices  to  the  sea. 

Tbe  first  Protestant  mission  sent  out  to  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  consisting  of  seven  Americans  with  their  families  and 
three  Hawaiians,    twenty-two    in    all,    sailed    from  Boston, 


BELATIONS  WITH   CONGO   AND   HAWAII.  305 

October  23,  1819,  and,  after  a  protracted  and  uneventful  voyage 
around  Cape  Horn,  arrived  safely  off  the  islands  on  March  30, 
1820.  It  was  a  most  auspicious  moment  for  the  success  of  their 
mission,  since,  King  Kamehameha  having  lately  died,  his  son 
had  marked  his  advent  to  the  throne  by  abolishing  idolatrous 
customs,  destroying  the  sacred  images,  and  tearing  down 
the  temples  of  worship.  The  strangers  were  soon  visited  by 
many  of  the  natives  from  shore  and  each  party,  in  their 
accustomed  manner,  exchanged  kindly  sentiments  of  friend- 
ship and  hospitality.  The  chiefs  also,  with  their  wives,  came 
on  board,  and,  after  having  received  every  demonstration 
of  consideration,  they  manifested  great  pleasure  at  the  coming 
of  the  party  and  extended  to  them  sincere  expressions  of 
welcome  and  invitations  to  come  upon  shore.  An  audience 
with  the  king  having  been  arranged  and  presents  having  been 
freely  distributed  among  his  family  and  retainers,  he  was  in- 
duced, after  much  delicate  tact  and  mild  persuasion,  to  permit 
the  missionaries  to  take  up  their  residence  in  the  islands 
and  to  disseminate  their  religion  for  the  space  of  one  year. 
He  was  averse  to  granting  even  these  terms,  because  the 
idolatrous  priests  having  hitherto  weakened  the  power  of 
the  government,  he  feared  that,  by  the  admission  of  a  new  re- 
ligion, similar  results  would  ensue.  Under  these  favorable 
auspices  the  foundations  of  Christianity  were  laid,  and  they 
were  so  solidly  based  and  firmly  cemented  by  the  discreet  con- 
duct and  devout  life  of  these  pious  persons  that  the  idolatrous 
nation  was  quickly  and  permanently  converted  to  the 
Christian  religion  ;  so  that  now  the  peals  of  Sabbath  bells 
and  the  notes  of  hymned  praise,  the  Sabbath  school  and 
divine  service,  are  settled  features  of  the  life  of  this  interest- 
ing people. 

In  the  year  1843,  a  British  ship  of  war  visited  Hawaii  to 
settle    certain    complications    that    had    arisen  between   the 


306  THE   UNITED  STATES  A.VD  FOREIGN  POWERS. 

British  consul  and  the  government  ;  and,  although  these  diffi- 
culties vrere  clearly  traceable  to  the  arrogance  and  unreason- 
ableness of  the  British  representative,  the  captain  of  the  royal 
navy  sent  a  communication  to  the  king  couched  in  most 
offensive  terms  and  demanding  humiliating  concessions 
coupled  with  the  threat  that,  if  prompt  and  full  compliance 
with  his  demands  was  refused,  he  would  open  his  batteries 
upon  the  port  of  Honolulu.  The  king,  despairing  of  any 
effectual  resistance,  acceded  to  his  demands,  but  only  to 
learn  that  this  imperious  dictator  had  framed  a  second  series 
of  demands,  more  insulting  and  excessive  than  the  first.  See- 
ing that  contention  was  useless  and  that  further  concessions 
would  provoke  renewed  exactions,  the  government  at  last 
determined,  in  the  face  of  impending  ruin,  to  cede  the  islands 
to  Great  Britain  and  proceeded  to  frame  a  treaty  to  that  effect. 
This  action,  consummated  under  the  stress  of  such  notoriously 
unjustifiable  circumstances,  everywhere  aroused  public  in- 
dignation and  especially  in  the  United  States,  in  consequence 
of  which  the  British  government  hastened  to  disavow  any 
responsibility  and  to  repudiate  the  cession  of  the  islands. 
This  was  followed  by  a  convention  of  the  leading  powers  and 
the  adoption  of  a  treaty,  by  the  terms  of  which  the  independ- 
ence of  the  islands  was  recognized  and  guaranteed.  American 
influences,  always  in  the  ascendant  there,  have  grown  so 
great  during  the  past  ten  years  that  the  country  is  now  in 
all  except  government  under  the  con  trol  of  the  United  States. 
The  frequent  attempts  of  a  large  portion  of  the  Haw-aiian 
population  who  are  of  American  ancestry  to  secure  annexa- 
tion to  the  United  States,  or  at  least  a  protectorate  by  this 
government,  culminated  in  is(.»2  by  the  overthrow  of  this  mon- 
archy and  the  establishment  of  an  independent  republic.  The 
revolution  was  accomplished  without  bloodshed,  and  with 
the  sympathy  and  advice  of  Mr.  Stevens,  the  United  States 


RELATIONS  WITH   CONGO  AND   HAWAII.  301} 

Minister  Resident,  Mr.  Sewall,  the  United  States  Consul-Gen- 
eral,  and  the  officers  of  the  American  fleet  in  the  harbor  of 
Honolulu.  The  inteution  to  secure  admission  into  the  Union 
of  the  United  States  was  openly  proclaimed,  and  as  soon  as 
the  new  government  was  established  a  commission,  of  which 
Lorin  A.  Thurston  was  chairman,  came  to  Washington  and 
entered  into  a  convention  with  John  W.  Foster,  then  Secretary 
of  State,  for  immediate  annexation  as  a  territory.  The  oppo- 
nents of  annexation  on  the  Democratic  side  of  the  Senate  suc- 
ceeded in  preventing  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  during  that 
session,  and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  President  Cleveland,  after 
his  inauguration  in  1893,  was  to  withdraw  the  document  and 
send  James  H.  Blount  of  Georgia  to  Honolulu,  to  make  an  in- 
vestigation and  report.  The  sympathies  of  Mr.  Blount  were 
against  the  republic,  and  with  Queen  Liliuokalani,  who  had 
been  suddenly  dethroned  ;  and,  acting  upon  his  recommenda- 
tions, President  Cleveland  declined  to  permit  any  further  steps 
toward  annexation. 

In  1897,  when  the  Republican  party  again  obtained  control 
of  the  government,  the  movement  was  revived,  and  the 
Hawaiian  Republic  became  a  part  of  the  United  States.  A  com- 
mission consisting  of  Senator  Cullom  of  Illinois,  Senator  Mor- 
gan of  Alabama,  Representative  Hitt  of  Illinois,  and  Judge 
Freer  of  the  Hawaiian  Supreme  Court,  was  appointed  by  Presi- 
dent McKinley  to  prepare  a  form  of  government  for  the  new 
territory,  and  revise  the  existing  laws  so  as  to  make  them 
conform  to  the  Constitution  and  statutes  of  the  United  States. 
They  spent  the  summer  of  1898  in  Honolulu  engaged  in  this 
duty,  and  made  their  report  to  Congress  at  the  following 
session. 


INDEX 


Adams,  John,  150,  151,  181,  184,  225, 
231,  245,  240. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  84, 156, 168,  CIO. 

Adet,  181. 

Alabama  Claims,  106,  175-177. 

Alaska.— Fisheries,  108,  109,  170,  171, 
173;  Purchase  of,  105,  212-210;  Com- 
mercial Company,  170;  Boundary, 
177;  Exploration  of,  213. 

Alexander  I.,  168. 

Amazon,  Navigation  of  the,  82-84. 

Ambassadors  (see  Ministers). 

Amiens,  Peace  of,  201. 

Angell  Treaty,  264-205. 

Argentine  Republic— Governed  by 
Spain,  36;  Revolution,  39-40;  Reci- 

?rocity  with  the  United  States,  71; 
ndependence  acknowledged  by 
the  United  States,  76-78 ;  Navigation 
of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  78-82 ;  Diffi- 
culty about  the  Island  of  "  Martin 
Garcia,"  80. 

Austria.— General  Condition,  137, 148 ; 
War  with  Prussia,  145-146;  Relations 
with  the  United  States,  227-230; 
Treatv  of  Trade  and  Commerce  in 
1831,  227;  Diplomatic  Warfare  in 
the  case  of  Koszta,  228-229;  Natural- 
ization Treaty  of  1870,  229;  Citizen- 
ship of  Heinrich,  229;  Other 
Treaties,  230. 

Azores  Islands,  237. 

Balboa,  107. 

Bancroft,  226. 

Barbadoes.— Reciprocity  with  the 
United  States,  74. 

Barbarv  States,  The. — Relations  with 
the  United  States,  244-248;  Piracy, 
244-248;  Blackmail,  244-2-15;  Treaty 
between  the  Dey  of  Morocco  and 
the  United  States,  245;  Decatur, 
247-248. 

Barclay,  Thomas,  245. 

Barrios,  91. 

Bayard,  162, 167,  227. 

Bayonne  Decree,  187. 

Belgium.— Relations  with  the  United 
States,  231-232  ;  Treaty  of  Commerce 
and  Navigation  in  1845,  231 ;  Treaty 
of  1858,  232;  Treaty  for  Capitali- 
zation of  Scheldt  Dues,  1803,  232; 
Eight  other   Treaties,   232;     Con- 


nection with  the  Congo  Free  State, 
232. 

Bering,  Vitus,  213. 

Bering  Sea  Question,  16S-174. 

Berlin  Decree,  187. 

Bismarck,  227,  298-299. 

Blaine,  24,  220-221. 

Bolivar,  38-39 ;  Accomplished  the  In- 
dependence of  Venezuela,  40;  Of 
Colombia,  40;  President  of  the  Re- 
public of  New  Granada,  40;  Fore- 
cast of  the  Condition  of  the  Ameri- 
can Republics,  42-46 ;  Advocate  of 
the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  48-49 ;  Pro- 
posed an  American  Conference, 
47-48,  54. 

Bolivia.— Founding,  40;  War  between 
Chile,  Bolivia,  and  Peru,  88-90. 

Brazil.— Government  by  an  Audi- 
encia,  36;  Government  by  Viceroy, 
36;  independence,  41:  Attempt  to 
Exclude  the  United  States  from  the 
Navigation  of  the  Amazon,  82-84. 

British  Guiana.— Reciprocity  with 
the  United  States,  74. 

Buchanan,  158,  214. 

Bulwer,  Sir  Henry,  96. 

"Bureau  of  Information  on  the  South 
American  Republic*,  68-69. 

Burlingame,  Anson,  201,  233. 

Canal,  Interoceanic,  107-118, 191-192. 

Canning,  93,  150. 

Canton,  252,  253 ;  Capture  by  British, 
255. 

Central  American  States.  —  Treaty 
with  the  United  States,  78 ;  Union, 
91 ;  Independence  acknowledged 
by  European  Powers,  95. 

Cevallos,  201. 

Champagny,  187. 

Charles  X.  of  France,  142. 

Charlotte  Amalie,  127. 

Chesapeake,  The,  155. 

Chile.— Governed  by  Spain,  36 ;  Revo- 
lution, 39;  Reciprocity  with  the 
United  States,  71,  70-78;  War  be- 
tween Chile,  Bolivia,  and  Peru, 
88-90;  Trouble  with  the  United 
States,  90-91. 

'China.— Diplomatic  Relations  with 
the  United  States,  252-272;  Begin- 
ning of  Foreign   Intercourse,  251; 


810 


INDKX. 


rchants,  253:  Opium  "War, 

254  ity   of  Nanking, 

Treaty  of  Wang  Hiya,256;  <  lapture 

ofTaku  by  Hi » ■  French  and  Eng- 

li-i,,  ;    r.   aty   of  June    18, 

)-  >,  259:  Porta  opened  to  Foreign 

Trade,  259;Talping  Insurrection, 

■    Burlingame    Treaty,  263- 

264;  Chin  aigration  into  t ho 

United   M.-u.s,  263-269;  Angcll 

>;  Scott  Act, 

iry  Bill,  267,  268:  -Mode  of 

pi  ion   of    For  ign    Ministers, 

270-271 ;  Civilization  of  Chinese,  271- 

272. 

Chlnca  [slands,106. 

Chinese  Immigration  Into  the 
United  Btal   -,  26  ^269. 

Clalborni 

Clay,  Henry,  94-95, 99, 100, 109, 156. 

Clayton,  John  M.,96. 

on-Bulwer  Treaty,  The,  95-99, 
115-116. 

Clinton,  D^  Witt,  109. 

<  loahuila,  £  i. 

i  loin,  International,  66-67. 

Colombia,  30;  Freedom,  10,76;  Rati- 
fied Proceedings  of  the  Panama 
Congress,  66;  Reciprocity  with  tho 
United  States,  7i. 

Columbia  Ki\ er,  157. 

Conferences  of  American  Republics. 
—Panama  Congress,  494)6;  Wash- 
ington, 57,  62-65;  Lima,  67,  58;  lie- 
suits.  <iii-7",;  Reciprocity  between 
the  I  nited  States  and  South  Ameri- 
can Republics,  69-75. 

Congo  State.— Founding,  296-300; 
Portuguese  Power  in  Africa,  ; 
Bismarck's  Policy,  298-299 ;  Associ- 
ation oi  greal  Powers,  299-30O;  King 
Leopold  made  Sovereign,  801. 

I  !ong  less  nf  Vienna,  1 11. 

Consular  Service,  27-35  ;  Origin,  27-28; 
Establishment  of  the  United  States 
Consular  Service,  us;  Compensa- 
tions of  Officers,  28,  33-34;  Qualifi- 
catii  his,  28-30 ;  <  llasses  of  Officers,  30 ; 
Duties,  30-33,  35. 

Consuls, 27-30:  L>uties, 30-33 ;  Salaries, 
l. 

.  Rica.— ■Reciprocity  with  the 
United  states,  7  ; ;  Connect*  m  wit  li 
Interoceanic  Canal  Enterprise,  118. 

Court  Dres  .20. 

Crimean  War,  145,  148, 158. 

Cuba.  62,  .;  Reciprocity  with  tho 
United  States,  to,  71;  Contro- 
s  e.  ieso\  er  <  luba,  99-101 ;  Attempts 
of  the  United  States  to  pun 

Inci.ir.  Rclat  iOnS 

between    the    United    state, 
Cuba,  206;  War   with  Spain,  207; 
Claims  ol  Americans,  207 ;  Capture 
■  it    the    Virginius,   207-208;   War  of 
L898,  208-209. 


Cushlng,  Caleb,  255-257. 

I  lavie,  185. 

Decatur,  247-248. 

DeLesseps,  1 13, 191. 

1 1.  mocrats,  152. 

De  Neuville,  84. 

Denmark.— Proposed  Annexation  of 
St.  Thomas,  126-131 ;  Relations  with 
the  United  States, 233-236 ;  Seizure 
of  American  Vessel-,  '_•:;:  (-234 ;  Sound 
lmes,  234-236:  Treaty  of  <  hristia- 
nople,  234;  Treaty  of  1701,  235; 
Treaty  of  1826,  2  15. 

I  >ingley  Tariff  Law,  75. 

I  )i  ploinacy,  12. 

Diplomatic  Service,  9-26 ;  Under  Ar- 
ticles of  Confederation,  9;  Under 
Constitution,  9-2G;  Intrusted  to 
President,  10:  To  Secretary  of  State, 
11;  Three  Classes  of  Diplomatic 
Agents,  12-13;  Salaries,  13-14;  Qual- 
ifications, 15;  Manner  of  Appoint- 
ment., J5-17;  Credentials,  17;  Duties, 
17-18,  21-20;  Presentation  at  Court, 
19-20. 

D'Yrujo,200. 

Ecuador.— Part  of  Republic  of  New 
Granada, 40;  Independent  state,  41 ; 
Reciprocity  with  the  Uniteil  States, 
71. 

Egyptian  Mixed  Tribunals,  The,  248- 
250. 

Emden,  224. 

England  {see  Great  Britain). 

Envoys  Extraordinary,  13;  Salaries, 
13-14. 

Erskine,  155. 

Exequatur,  35. 

Fa  va.  Baron,  24, 219-222. 

Fayal,237, 

Federalists,  152. 

Fenian  Disorders,  160-161. 

Filibusters,  >s7-b8. 

Fillmore,  100. 

Fish,  Secretary,  166,  175,  21S. 

Fisheries.— Atlantic  Coast,  103-108; 
Seal,  L68-174. 

Florida,  Purchase  of,  201-201,  208-210. 

Foreign  Affairs,  Department  Estab- 
lished, 9. 

Forsyth,  John,  203. 

France.  —  Revolul  ion,  130-137,  138 ; 
States  General,  137  ;  Reign  of  Terror, 
138;  Directory  established,  138; 
Government  Controlled  by  Napol- 
eon, 138-141  ;  Revolution  of  1830,142; 
Revolution  of  1848,  143;  Napoleon 
III..  144,  145,  140;  Republic,  147; 
Diplomatic  Relations  with  the 
United  States,  178-190:  Extravagant 
Demands,  179;  Recall  of  Genet,  179- 
180;  Corrupt  Government,  181; 
Treaties  Declared  Abrogated,  182; 
George  Logan,  182-183;  Relations 
Renewed,  181;  Treaty  of  1800.  11  > 
186;  Decrees  of  Napoleon,  180-187; 


INDEX. 


311 


Seizure  of  Vessels,  188 ;  Commercial 
Treaty  of  1822,  189;  Settlement  of 
Claims,  189-190;  Consular  Con- 
vention of  185:j,  100 ;  Correspondence 
regarding  American  Pork  Prod- 
ucts, 192;  Spoliation  Claims,  lfli>- 
194 ;  Treaty  of  Alliance  of  1778, 193 ; 
Purchase  ot  Louisiana,  19-1-196. 

Francis  I.  of  Austria,  137. 

Franklin.— Character,  178;  Negoti- 
ates Treaties,  150,  225,  230,  232,  233, 
236,  215. 

Frederick  the  Great,  223-225 

Fremont,  John  C.  85-86. 

Gadsden,  James,  86. 

Garfieid,  89, 114. 

Geary  Bill,  267, 268. 

Genet,  153, 179. 

Geneva  Arbitration,  159, 171-177, 

Germany.— Holy  Roman  Empire,  137; 
War  between  Prussia  and  Austria, 
145-146;  Franco-Prussian  War,  146- 
147 ;  Relations  with  the  United 
States, 223-227 ;  Frederick  the  Great, 
223-225;  Dantzig  an  Asylum  for 
United  States  Cruisers,  224:  Treaty 
between  the  United  States  and 
German  States,  225;  Between  the 
United  States  and  the  North  Ger- 
man Confederation,  226 ;  Samoan 
Conflict,  226-227;  Consular  Con- 
vention, 226 ;  Reciprocity,  227. 

Gerry,  181, 18 1. 

Ghent,  Treaty  of,  211. 

Godoy,  199. 

Gordon,  260. 

Gortchakoff,  129. 

Grant,  112, 116, 119-126, 175. 

Great  Britain. — Attitude  toward  the 
Holy  Alliance,  93-94 ;  Treaties  with 
Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  N  ica- 
ragua,  99;  Treaty  with  Russia,  105; 
Venezuela  Boundary,  106;  War 
with  Napoleon,  139;  Diplomatic 
Relations  with  the  United  States, 
149-177;  Difficulties  following  the 
Revolution,  151-154;  The  Jay 
Treaty,  154,  156;  Impressment  of 
American)  Seamen,  155;  War  of 
1812,  155-156,  159;  Commercial 
Treaty,  156;  Treaty  of  IS  18,  156-157; 
Payment  of  Damages  for  Slaves, 
157;  Treaty  acknowledging  Claim 
of  the  United  States  to  the  North- 
west Territory,  157 ;  Webster-Ash- 
burton  Treaty,  158;  Seizure  of 
Mason  and  Slidell,  158-159;  Treaty 
of  Washington,  159, 166, 175 ;  Geneva 
Arbitration,  159,  174-177 ;  Fisheries 
Question,  159, 163-108 :  Fenian  Dis- 
orders. 160-161 ;  Arrest  of  Mr.  Wins- 
low.  161-102-  Recall  of  Sir  Lionel 
Sackville-West,  162;  Bering  Sea 
Question,  168-174;  Reciprocity 
Treaty,    165;   Treaty   of  1871,  167; 


Treaty  of  February,  1888,  168 ;  Mo- 
dus Vivendi,  168;  Commission  for 
the  Settlement  of  Disputes  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Can- 
ada, 177. 

Greytown,  96,  111,  118. 

Guadalupe-Hidalgo,  Treaty  of,  86. 

Guatemala.  —  Reciprocity  with  the 
United  States,  71;  Treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  99. 

Hamilton,  152, 153, 182. 

Hanseatic  Republics,  225. 

Harrison,  91. 

Hawaiian  Islands,  The.— Situation, 
Population,  Productions,  etc.,  301- 
303;  Relations  with  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States,  306;  An- 
nexation of,  to  the  United  States, 
306-307. 

Hayes,  89, 113. 

Hayti,51. 

Heinrich,  229. 

Holland.— Relations  with  the  United 
States,  230-231 ;  Treaty  of  Amity 
and  Commerce,  230 ;  Other  Treaties, 
231. 

Holy  Alliance,  The,  93, 141-142. 

Honduras,  99. 

Impressment  of  American  Seamen, 
155. 

Italy.— General  Condition,  138,  148; 
Treaties,  217  ;  Damage  to  Commerce 
of  the  United  States,  217;  New  Or- 
leans Massacre,  218-222. 

Itata,  The,  90. 

Jackson,  189. 

Jamaica.— Reciprocity  with  the  Uni- 
ted States,  74. 

Japan.— Relations  with  the  United 
States,  273-282 ;  Founding,  273 ;  First 
Intercourse  with  Foreign  Coun- 
tries, 273 ;  Foreigners  Expelled,  273 ; 
Treaty  Negotiated  by  Commodore 
Perry,  274-276 ;  Treaties  of  1857  and 
1858,  277 ;  Reception  of  General 
Grant,  280;  Attempts  to  Revise 
Treaties,  281-282;  Rapid  Develop- 
ment of,  2s2. 

Jay,  9, 154, 180. 

Jefferson,  10, 151-153, 178-179,  225,  245. 

Korea. — Relations  with  the  United 
States,  283-289;  Killing  of  Seamen, 
281;  Revolution,  287;  Opened  to 
Foreign  Countries,  287-288;  Treaty 
with  the  United  States,  288. 

Koszta,  228-229. 

Lafayette,  136, 137. 

La  Plata,  Navigation  of  the,  78-82. 

Laussat,  ltio. 

Leeward  Islands. — Reciprocity  with 
the  United  States,  74. 

Legations.— Secretaries  of,  14;  Com- 
parison of,  21. 

Liberia,  131-135. 

Logan,  George,  182-183. 


312 


INDEX. 


in  Law,  The,  188, 

Loula  X\  I.,  136-187,  I 

Louis  XVIII.,  140-142. 

Louisiana,  Purchase  of,  194-196. 

■•  Maine,"  Destruction  of  the  Battle- 
ship, IB 

I,  190,  243. 

••  Martin  I  tarda,"  Island  of,  80. 

Mason,  i 

m  iximillan,  102-101. 

Meade,  EUcbard  W.,289. 

Mexico.— A  Spanish  Colony,  86;  In- 
dependence, 41;  Reciprocity  with 
thel  nlted States, 70, 74;  Warwlth 
tin:  I  nlted  States, 80-86;  Maximil- 
lan  Episode,  101-101. 

Milan  Decree,  ls7. 

Ministers.  — Classes,  12-13;  Salaries, 
1;  Qualifications.  15;  Appoint- 
ment,16-17;  Duties,  17-18, 21-26 ;  Re- 
call, IS;  Presentation  at  Court,  19- 
20. 

Miranda,  Ifrancisco.  37-39,  202. 

Mississippi,  Navigation  of,  197-200. 

Melius  Vivendi,  168,  174. 

Monroe,  93-95,  180,  195. 

Monroe  Dot  1  rine,  The,  93-106. 

MOP  ii •!•<>,  2  1 1. 

Morris,  <  touverneur,  151,  180. 
Mosquito  Indians,  95-96. 

Murray,  William  Vans,  183-185. 

Napoleon  I.,  138-141, 185-18;  ;  Commer- 
cial War  with  England,  139; 
Waterloo,  141 ;  Decrees,  Is.. 

Napoleon  III.— Attempt  to  occupy 
Mexico,  102 ;  Franco-Prussian  War, 
146-147. 

New  Granada.  Republic  of,  40,  109; 
ity  with  the  United  states,  111. 

New  ( )J  leans  Massacre,  218-222. 

Nicaragua.  —  Reciprocity  with  tho 
United  States,  74;  Filibusters,  87- 
88;  Mosquito  Indians,  95-96:  Treaty 
With  Great  Britain,  99 ;  Negotia- 
tions for  Interoceauic  Canal,  Hi- 
lls. 

Northwest  Boundary,  101-105, 157. 

Nuncios,  12. 

O'Brien,  Richard,  245. 

Offley.  David,  239. 

Onis,  201, 210. 

Orders  In  Council,  186-187. 

Panama,  107-118,191. 

Paris,  8  egeof,146, 191. 

Patterson,  ins. 

bo,  The,  258, 261, 262. 

Perez,  251. 

1.  Relations  with  tho  United 
States,  242-243;  Influence  of  Eng- 
land. 242;  Treaty  with  England, 
242;  Treaty  with  the  United  States, 
2 1 1. 

/'<  ulrt,  18. 

Peru.  Governed  by  Spain,  36 ;  Inde- 
nt ndence,  40 ;   <  inferences,   57-58; 


Reciprocity  with  the  United  States, 
74;  War  between  Chile,  Bolivia, 
and  Peru, 88-90. 

Phelps,  167,  227. 

Pierce,  100. 

Pinckney,  Charles,  181.  201. 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  151, 189 

Piracy,  244-248. 

Polk,  99,  214. 

Pork  Products,  192,  227. 

Portugal.— Relations  with  the  United 
States,  230-2.18;  Conflict  at  Fayal, 
237 ;  Treaties,  237. 

President.— Power  to  conduct  For- 
eign Policy,  10-U. 

Pribyloff  Islands.  171. 

Prussia.— War  with  France.  146-147; 
Treaties  with  the  United  States, 
2   ■. 

Puerto  Rico.  52,  53 ;  Reciprocity  with 
the  United  Stales,  70,71;  Attempt 
of  French  to  purchase,  99;  Attempt 
of  tho  United  States  to  purchase,  99. 

Railway,  Intercontinental,  07-68. 

Rambouillet  Decree,  187. 

Rassloff,  128, 131. 

Rebellion,  The,  84, 158, 211. 

Reciprocity,  69  ;  Section  of  Tariff 
Bill,  73;  Reciprocity  between  the 
United  States  and  the  other 
American  Republics,  70-75;  With 
Germany,  227. 

Reed,  William  B.,  257-259,  261. 

Reid,  Whitelaw,  192. 

Reign  of  Terror,  138. 

Rousseau,  General,  215-216. 

Rudini,  219-222. 

Russia.— General  Condition,  138,  147- 
148;  Relations  with  the  United 
States,  211-216;  Cordiality  toward 
the  United  States, 21 1-212  ;  Purchase 
of  Alaska.  212-216;  Treaty,  214-216. 

Sackville-west.  162,167. 

Saint  Thomas,  Proposed  Annexation 
Of,  126-131. 

Salisbury,  172  174. 

Salvador. —Reciprocity  with  the 
United  States,  74. 

Samoan  Islands.— Relations  with  the 
United  Slates,  226-227,  2S9-293:  Re- 
bellion of  Tamasese,  226,  290-291; 
Adjustment  of  Difficulty,  227; 
Creation  of  a  Supreme  Court,  292; 
Uprising  of  Mataafa,  292-293;  Plan 
of  Government,  293. 

San  Udefonso,  Treaty  of,  8-4. 

San  Juan  del  Norte,  96. 

Santa  Anna,  8-5,  86. 

Santana,  Pedro,  105. 

Santo  Domingo.— Application  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  105;  Proposed 
Annexation  to  the  United  States, 
119-126. 

Scott  Act,  The,  265,  266,  267. 

Seal  Fisheries,  168-174. 


INDEX. 


313 


Secretaries  of  State.— Number  and 
Names,  10;  Direct  Foreign  Policy, 
11. 

Seward,  103,  128-130,  160,  214-216,  285. 

Siam.— Population,  Trade,  etc.,  293- 
295;  Relations  with  the  United 
States  295. 

Slave  Trade.— Treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  for 
Suppression  of,  156. 

Slidell,  85,  158. 

Sound  Dues,  234-236. 

South  American  Republics.— Found- 
ing, 36-46;  Diplomatic  Relations 
with  the  United  States,  47-65;  Gen- 
eral Relations  with  the  United 
States,  76-84,  88-91. 

Spain.— Policy  toward  Colonies  in 
America,  36-37  ;  Relations  with  the 
United  States,  197-210;  Navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  197-199;  Right  of 
Deposit,  200-201 ;  Treaty  of  Friend- 
ship, Limits,  and  Navigation,  199; 
Recall  of  D'Yrujo,  200;  Convention 
of  August  11,  1802,  201;  Blockade, 
202;  Purchase  of  Florida  by  the 
United  States,  201-204,  208-210; 
Treaty  of  February  22, 1819,203-204; 
Depredations  upon  United  States 
Commerce,  204-205;  Claims  Conven- 
tion of  1834,  205;  Questions  arising 
on  account  of  Cuba,  205-208 ;  War  of 
1898,  208-209;  Treaty  of  Paris,  209. 

States  General,  137. 

Stoeckl,  212,  214. 

Sweden.— Relations  with  the  United 
States,  232-233. 


Taku,  258-259,  263. 

Talleyrand,  181, 184, 195. 

Taylor,  85. 

Texas,  Annexation  of,  84-85. 

Thiers,  147. 

Three-mile  Limit,  165. 

Treaties  (see  below). 

Trinidad.— Reciprocity  with  the  Uni- 
ted States,  74. 

Tripoli,  244. 

Turkey.— Relations  with  the  United 
States,  239-242 ;  Treaty  of  1830,  239- 
240;  Imprisonment  of  American 
Citizens,  240-241 ;  Treaty  of  Com- 
merce, 241-242. 

Tweed,  238. 

Tyler,  85. 

Venezuela.— Governed  by  Spain,  36 ; 
Independence,  40,  76-78. 

Venezuela  Controversy,  106. 

Vienna,  Congress  of,  141. 

Virginius,  The,  207-208. 

Vives,  203. 

Walker,  87-88. 

War  of  1812,  155-156,  211,  236. 

War  of  1898,  208-209. 

Ward,  Frederick,  260-261. 

Washburn,  191. 

Washington,  153,  181,  182. 

Washington,  Treaty  of,  159, 166, 175. 

Waterloo,  141. 

Water  Witch,  The,  78-82. 

Webster,  100,  158. 

Wilson  Tariff  Law,  74. 

Windward  Islands.  —  Reciprocity 
with  the  United  States,  74. 


Treaties  between  the  United  States  and  Foreign  Powers. 


American  Republics.  —  Commerce, 
etc.,  78-82. 

Austr'a. — Trade  and  Commerce 
(1831),  227;  Naturalization  (1870), 
229;  Extradition  (1856),  230;  Rights 
of  Consuls  (1870),  230;  Convention 
Relative  to  Trade-marks,  230. 

Barbary  States.— For  Protection  of 
American  Ships,  215,  247. 

Belgium.— Commerce  and  Naviga- 
tion (1845),  231;  Commerce  and 
Navigation  (1858),  232;  For  Capi- 
talization of  Scheldt  Dues  (1863), 
232;  Eight  Other  Treaties,  232;  Com- 
merce and  Navigation  (1875),  232. 

China.— Treaty  of  June  18,  1858,259; 
Burlingnme  Treaty  (1868),  263; 
Angell  Treaty,  261-265. 

Denmark.— Treaty  of  1826,  235. 

France. —  Alliance  (1778),  152*  For 
Purchase  of  Louisiana,  84 ;  Boun- 
dary (1819),  81 :  Treaty  of  1800, 185- 
186;  Commercial  Treaty  of  1822, 
189 ;  Consular  Convention  of  1853, 
190. 


Germany.— Consular  Convention 
(1871),  226;  Reciprocity  (1892),  227. 

Great  Britain.— Peace  (1783;,  151.  163; 
Jay  Treaty,  154,  180 ;  Peace  (1814), 
156;  Commercial  Treaty  of  1815, 
156;  Of  1818,  157:  Acknowledging 
Claim  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Northwest  Territory,  157  ;  Clayton- 
Bulwer  Treaty,  95-99. 

Hanseatic  Republics.— Treaty  of  1828, 
225. 

Hawaiian  Islands.— Reciprocity,  70. 

Holland.  —  Amity  and  Commerce 
(1782),  230. 

Italian  States.— Five  Treaties,  217. 

Italy. — Friendship,  Commerce,  and 
Extradition  (1868  and  1871),  217. 

Japan— Treaty  of  1854,  274-276;  Of 
1857,  277 :  Of  1858,  277. 

Korea.  —  Peace,  Amity,  and  Com- 
merce (1882),  288. 

Mexico.— Reciprocity,  70;  Guadalupe- 
Hidalgo  (1848),  86. 

New  Granada. — Regarding  Isthmus 
of  Panama  (1848),  111. 


314 


1  \IH.\. 


,    in,  ad6hip  and  Commerce 
18 
Portugal       Navigation    and    I 
in,  i.  237;  <  l:t 1 1 1 1-    185 

i  Following    Revolutionarj 

War,  225;  Treatj  of  L799,  225. 
Russia.— For    Purchase   <>i    Alaska, 

Slam.— Treaty  ol 

spam.    Friendship,     Limits,     and 
Navigation,  199;  Ceding  Florida  t<> 


the  United  States  (1819),  203-204, 
210;  Claims  Convention  of  1834,205: 
i  -  eaty  of  Peace  <  leding  Cuba  and 
other  Spanish  Possessions  to  the 
United  states,  209. 

Sweden.— Treaty  of  1783.232:  of  1827, 

•_;;;;    Extradltioi i,  233;  Nat- 

aralization  1 1869),  233. 

Turkey.— Trade,  etc.  (1830),  239-240; 
Commerce  (1862),  241-242. 


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